Question : What factors account for the resurgence of ethnic identity movement in India? What according to you is the proper strategy of integration of ethnic groups in the mainstream?
(2008)
Answer : An ethnic group is defined as a cultural group whose members either share some or all the following features-common language, region, religion, race, endogamy, customs, belief, descent etc. Thus ethnic identity reflects both ‘like men’ and ‘uniqueness’.
India has witnessed resurgence of ethnic identity movement in recent years. The factors for these are many ranging from socio-economic, cultural, and political to international factors and quite often these are inter-related. Ethnic identity movements, whatever from these may be i.e. linguistic, caste, religion, and region are mostly response to disparities in development process and the process of modernization.
The process of development in Indian context is distorted and unequal. Many groups and sections of population have been benefited by it. Fruits of development have been reaped by very few sections, thus increasing the dissatisfaction between different sections. The accumulated discontent takes the form of ethnic identity movements. It may take many forms like Shiv Sena movement for Marathi language, Jharkhand movement for a separate state.
Factional politics tries to fan this discontent and widen existing dissatisfaction. Many political parties have become powerful out of these ethnic identity movements like Shiv Sena, Akali Dal, Asom Gana Parishada and Telangana Rastriya Samiti.
Democratic politics have also contributed for the rise of ethnic identity movements. The need for mobilizing masses have taken the form of mobilizing primordial particularly ties of caste, language and religion. It has also contributed in increased politicization of masses and political consciousness which is articulated on particularistic lines. This along with regional disparities of development process has contributed to the rise of ethnic identity movements in present times.
The growth of regional parties is both cause and consequence of many ethnic identity movements. These parties fan the existing discontentment among various sections of people, thus mobilizing them on ethnic lines, for example, TRS in A.P, Maharshtra Nav Nirman Sena in Maharashtra.
Growth of middle classes has also contributed to growth in ethnic identity movements particularly in urban areas. Urban conglomerates characterized by anonymity and heterogeneity have created identity crisis among its inmates, thus leading to many ethnic movements. Caste, religion, linguistic based movements and organization is also a urban phenomena as it is rural one. This is proved by the fact of recurring communal clashes and rivalries between different regional and linguistic groups in various Indians cities like Ahmedabad, Mumbai, Guwahati, etc.
Lack of employment opportunities, unemployment have made middle classes more prone to be mobilized for ethnic based movements.
Groups fighting for and against reservation, groups demanding for backward status and others opposing such demands have become common phenomena. Occasionally it may take a violent form, for example, Gujjar agitation for ST status in Rajasthan.
The process of modernization in India is in its transitional stage. It has not replaced traditional structures completely. The traditional structures co-exist with modern ones. The schism that is consequent of these are bringing about many contradictions within Indian social system. One such reaction to this is ethnic identity movements.
Proper strategy for dealing with it and integration of ethnic groups can be both long term and immediate ones. Long term strategy could be balanced by development reaching out to all regions and section of society, developing a composite Indian culture, encouraging people to widen their perspective, to keep an open mind and be tolerant to other communities will all help in bringing in integration of various ethnic groups. Short term measures include curbing those parties and organizations which flare up communal, regional feelings among peoples, taking steps to reduce suspicion among different communities by encouraging dialogue between them, educational system reforms, core cultural participation in festivals etc.
Question : Discuss the role of various reform movements in India.
(2007)
Answer : Reform movements are generally considered as the movement associated with society in which reformulation in social problems would be solved by taking into consideration various ways to revaluation. The reform movements in India are mainly deal with the movement such as Arya Samaj, Satya Shodhak Samaj, SNDP movements and Ramkrishna Misson movement.
Arya Samaj: The continuity of social and religions reforms were also maintained through the Arya Samaj founded by Dayananda Saraswati (18211-1883) in 1875 at Rajkot in Saurashtra. He did not believe in Sankara’s theory of oneness of God and Soul. For Dayananda, soul was not a part of God. He believed in the plurality of souls which has separate existence possessing their own unique histories of good and bad deeds. God and Soul could never become one. Soul was the actual doer of karmas that had to reap the fruits of deeds done. Swamiji “believed God to be an active, creative agency involved in the world, not a passive spectator. “He, thus, annulled the metaphysical unity of all beings which was nourished by Sankara’s Advaitavad. By denying the validity of advaitavada, he paved the way for justifying the social order based on varna distinction, and in fact, he fell down from” the pinnacle of his enlightened philosophy, turned reactionary and to the bad luck of India, lift behind a militant and aggressive Hindu Arya Samaj, against the enlightened and progressive Brahmo Samaj founded by Raja Ram Mohan Roy.
Dayanada, however, was opposed to the current basis of caste system, to all injustice and human wastage it produced. He did not like tyranny oppression in the name of caste system, “but he held fast to the vedic notion of four varnas, or classes.” As he stood for the infallibility of Vedas, he firmly believed in the varna vyavastha, the philosophy of Social and theological determinism. All individuals should be put into different classes, i.e., the four varnas, according to their Guna and Karma. This would help all to advance in every respect because the higher classes would be in constant fear of their children being degraded to the Sudra class, if they were not properly educated. The same fear would also make the children acquire knowledge and culture, whilst the lower would be stimulated to exert themselves for admission into the classes of higher status in society.
Swami Dyananda assigned equal status to women in his scheme of social relations. “Women were equal to men in their ability to achieve emancipation, and they should be accorded rights commensurable with their abilities. They should be educated and not allowed to marry before they reached eighteen – later revised to sixteen; widows, he said, should be allowed to take other husbands and, thus, fulfill their role as mothers”. Swamiji entrusted the function of regulating marriage customs to government, because he did not make any distinction between the functions of society and those of government. He held that “it is the duty of the ruler and other responsible persons to see that all the four classes discharge their duties faithfully”.
Swamiji’s social outlook did not conform to the intellectual group of his day and was hostile towards education through English medium. His social reform programme was based on the principle of social utility rather than the needs of mere individual. He did not deprecate individual welfare, yet his individualism was not that of a man seeking personal salvation by isolating himself from society. He asked Hindu brethren to participate enthusiastically in social movement the object of which was liberating society from poverty and ignorance. The assertion of individual’s uniqueness coupled with inspiration to work for social amelioration and liberation were ideas which intended to revolutionize Hindu life. He, therefore, vigorously criticized idolatry not only as an error, but as positively sinful. He fought against the caste system in the form in which it existed them.”
Under the leadership of Dayananda the Arya Samaj questioned the superiority of the hereditary priest who wore sacred threads and maintained the right of every individual to study the sacred threads and maintained the right of every individual to study the sacred scriptures.
They also tried to raise the status of the lower caste Hindu by educating them and improving their conditions of life. Swamiji and his disciples, however, forgot that idolatry priest craft and caste behavior were inherent in the nature of varnasrama vyavastha which they wanted to reorient on the theory of guna- karma. What they contemned, therefore, was only the effect, not its cause.
Satya Shodhak Samaj: Satya Shodhak movement in Maharashtra is often treated as identical with the Non-Brahmin movement. But it was essentially a socio-religious movement. The rules and regulations of the Satyashodhak Samaj established by Mahatma Jotirao Phule on 24th September, 1873, included a ban on discussion of political questions. Satyashodhak Samaj means “Society for the search of Truth or the Society of Truth seekers”. Any Sudra was free to join the Samaj as a member but people belonging to the upper castes were either listed as friends of the Samaj or admitted as members after sometime only when other members of the Samaj were convinced about their outlook and actions.
It is evident that though almost all the Satyashodhaks participated in the Non-Brahmin Movements, all those who participated in the Non-Brahmin movements were not members of the Samaj.
The Satyashodhak movement and its founder Jotirao Phule totally rejected the vedic traditions and the Aryan heritage. He regarded the Aryans as conquerors and destroyers of the indigenous non-Aryan culture. He launched a vigorous attack on the Vedas and described them as frauds. He made fun of the Puranas and ridiculed those who believed in the absurd stories narrated by their Brahmins authors. However, not all the leaders of the Non-Brahmin movement shared these views.
Like the liberals and conservative nationalists of his times, Phule too underlined the need to spread education in Indian. Like his contemporaries, he believed that education was the waster key to solve many problems. He stressed the need to give to priority to primary education. His memorandum to the Hunter Commission on education in 1882 was based on his Pioneering work in the field of Primary education, which was recognized publicly by the Board of education in the Bombay Presidency. Making vigorous pleas for educating the masses rather then the classes, he recommended increases in government schools and special inducements to those who for several centuries were deprived of opportunities to educate themselves. The Satyashodhak movement continued to emphasize the role of education in facilitating social change. Bhavrao Palgonda Patil, an outstanding member of the Satyashodhak samaj, devoted all his life in establishing a network of educational institutions including students’ hostels in the rural areas of western Maharashtra. Several prominent leaders of Maharashtra were the alumni of the colleges and schools started by Bhauro Patil in remote villages as well as small towns.
Mahatma Phule campaigned against the increasing habit of drinking liquor and urged the Poona Municipal council not to permit the opening of liquor shops. He tried to persuade the people to give up drinking and spend their money on buying books. Ganapatrao Patil and Krishnarao Bhalekar, two of Phule’s well-known followers, expressed concern over the evil effects of drinking liquor on the peasants in rural areas. The policy of prohibition was supported by the leaders of the Satyashodhak Samaj
Sri Narayan Guru Dharma Paripalana Sabha (SNDP): The ideology of the movement was mainly formulated by Sri Narayana Guru Swamy. He transformed the outlook of his followers mainly Izhavas of Kerala, by giving them a programme action for their uplift, and encouraged the founding of an all Kerala Association the SNDP Yogam.
The Izhavas form not only the majority of the backward classes but are also the single largest caste in Kerala. They were at the top of the category that polluted from distance. Thus there was not only touch pollution but also distance pollution, several civic disabilities followed the ritual ones. They were denied admission of the schools and were kept away from administrative jobs; their women were not allowed to use any upper garments to cover their breasts.
During the early days of British rule several things happened which roused Izhava consciousness to agitate against their low status and the discriminations against them. Tensions started building up, paying the way for a massive social movement, with a distinct ideology, led by charismatic and political leadership, all directed towards social transformation. A significant consequence of the breast-cloth controversy was the widespread social awakening of the community with regard to their rights.
Izhavas Perceived relative deprivation in the spheres of education, and recruitment to public services. Dr. Palpu assumed the leadership of fight the injustice done to the Izhavas in the fields of modern education and government employment. This was the first set of events which sparked off a mass movement. Dr. Palpu, was able to perceive the deprivation felt among the Izhavas and although he bought about a social awakening, for concerned action, with the intention of redressing them, he was unable to formulate ideology.
This task was left to Sri Narayana Guru Swamy who transformed their outlook by giving them a new philosophy, religion, a code of conduct and a programme of action. This formed the basis of ideology of the SNDP movement and helped to establish an identity and in working out opposition groups.
Swamy emerged as a charismatic leader in 1890s. He was active as a Socio-religions reformer. He formulated his system of thought, oriented towards social Trans for motion and maintained the reformation of Hinduism was a necessary adjunct for the upliftment of the masses. His ideology was started in a cryptic form, as belief in one God, one religion and one caste. He made a direct attack on the caste system. He wanted his followers not to believe in differences based a caste, and to work for the abolition of the caste system. One of the programme of action, directed towards the achievement of this goal, was to promote commensally relations with the members of the lower castes.
Swamy simplified the religions and domestic rituals to reduce the cost and it gave marriage a new symbolic significance. He advocated monogamy. In order to make the religious changes effective, he created a set of religions institutions. He brought about a high degree of identity among the Izhavas. There are one hundred temples today, about one hundred shrines devoted to the worship of Swamy and seventeen mathas and several ashramas. He gave women equal religious rights which were the only basis of religions conversion, without which the basic inequalities and suffering could not be fought. Thus he laid supreme emphasis on spiritual strength with a view to going self-respect and esteem.Question : Discuss the social factors responsible for the emergence of Dalit consciousness in India. What has been the social consequences of this phenomena?
(2006)
Answer : ThetermDalit has its origin in Hindi, Sanskrit and also in Hebrew. According to Sanskrit word, it is down-trodden and its meaning in Hindi is exploited and crushed. In Hebrew it comes from the term Dal which means crushed and down-trodden. Though in generic sense it refers to all the oppressed and disadvantaged sections of Indian society i.e. scheduled castes, scheduled tribes and the backward castes. M.N. Srinivas arguesthat the term Dalit is used for poor andexploited classes in which tribes, artisan castes, service castes and kamins are included. However, Ghanshyam Shah commenting on Dalits remarkedthat it is essentially a political agenda. For that they launched struggles in various issues and participated in electoral politics. Today, most of the scholars have used this term to denote the conditions of underprivileged and deprived of basic rights and refers to those people who have been suppressed on account of their lower birth.
The Dalit conciousness that has emerged in recent times, can broadly be divided into being based on two different ideologies i.e. an attempt to find new identity and search for a new indentity; andattack on Aryan or anti-Brahmanical model. However, there are various social and economic factors that have given rise to this consciousness among the Dalits or disprivileged groups. In order to elevate their position the untouchables launched several anti-Brahman and anti-twice born movements in the past also. They also began several reformative movements which particularly aimed at rejection of the domination of the upper castes. The exploitative and inhuman conditions in which these deprived castes were forced to live for centuries made them conscious of their deplorable condition in Hindu society. Besides their own realisation, factors external to the caste system also contributed to a great extent in consciousness. The atrocities and economic exploitation of lower castes by higher castes such as massacre, loot and rape in Beluchi, Agra, Pantnagar, Marathawada and some other places made them to analyse their social position. Similarly, bulk of the schedule castes engaged in agriculture and manual labour also become victims of assault, murder, rape and cruel as well as inhuman treatment. In some cases, they even slightly reacted to these indignities. Such kind of incidents have taken place in Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan.
The issues of minimum wages, the occupancy rights of the share- croppers and the access to public amenities were also involved under this. Therefore, consciousness among Dalits arised against such atrocities. Dalits have also made several attempts to come out of the clutches of the dominant sections of the caste-Hindu society. These include Sanskritisation, conversion to Bhudhism,migration etc. At the same time, awareness about their low status emerged with an anti-upper caste attitude. The unevenness in social and economic status between the Dalits and among the higher castes also created awareness in them. Along with this migration, education and urban employment also made them more aware. Recently, the educated Harijans have also shown some militancy against their oppressors.
The Dalit literature movement in Maharashtra has been launched to create consciousness among the Harijans about their rightful place in Indian society. Dalit writers have written articles on the pitiable condition of their class. Dalit magazines and periodicals have been launched, seminars and symposium have been organised to propagate awareness. As a result of these factors there have been changes in their aspiration levels and awareness of government policies have made them also to assert their political rights in towns and cities. From Jyotirao Phule, Ramaswami Naiker and Narayan Guru to Bhim Rao Ambedkar efforts have been made towards social awareness among Dalits about their rights, self-respect and individuality.
In the past few decades, many organisations have made efforts to organise the Dalits irrespective of their caste. Among such organisations are All India SC&ST Federation, Dalit Students Association, United Dalit Forum and others; the Bahujan Samaj Party is the result of this mobilisation.
Thus, with the emergence of awareness among Dalits, they are now assenting their cultural identity with their folk-arts rejecting the Sanskrit cultural idiom. Dalit is now no more a derogatory designation but a positive symbol of identity for the depressed classes which solves the questions of origin, roots and history of these people. Historically speaking, we do find that different socio-religious movements picked up the notion of discrimination against such sections. However, the movement led by Periyar Ramaswami Naiker talked about the attack on Vedic scriptures, the caste system and Brahmnical social order. Similarly, Dr. Ambedkar consistantly foughtagainst caste system, its rigidity and deprivation of lower caste backed by caste ideology. At the same time, the views of Mahatma Phule is also important in the emergence of Dalit consciousness.
Thus, Naicker, Phule and Ambedkar traditions have become a vital assumption which finds its manifestation in the emergence of the political activities such as Bahujan Samaj Party, Republic Party of India, Dalit Panther Party and so on. One can witness a greater structural change in the society and the empowerment of Dalits leading to their integratioin into mainstream of the society.
The upliftment of Dalit status has also been interpreted within the Mahar Movement led by Dr. Ambedkar. In recent times, the attempts have been initiated by certain Dalit leaders to uplift Dalits but that seems to be politically motivated and somewhere the ideological difference between different leaders have emerged. Gail Ombvedt, Ghanshyam Shah and Bharat Patnakar have analysed the Dalit movement and argued that the question of untouchability is one of the most important factors of this movement. Nonetheless the factors like exploitation, disability and political participation are also important.
Ghanshyam Shah has also divided the Dalit movement into reformative movement, Bhakti movement, New Vedantic movement, Sanskritic and Alternative movement which can be further divided into religious conversion movement and secular movement. Reformative movement was aimed at bringing reforms in caste hierarchy and eradication of untouchability, whereas the objective of Alternative movement is to create an alternative socio-cultural structure. Gail Ombvedt and Bharat Patnakar divided Dalit movement on the basis of caste and class where in the caste ritualistic aspect and class secular aspect are more important.
Though the study at Punjab contained some elements of generalisation at all India level where thesearch for new indentity has been focussed.
Marc Jurgensmayor has analysed a Adidharma movement which occured in Punjab. One of the most important slogan of this movement was untouchables are different ‘kaum’ whose existence has continued since time immemorial. The unity of untouchables also reflected in the view that they have the potential to unite and can force for socio-political mobility. But irony of the movement was that some Dalits who improved their status sidelined themselves from the rest. We can also find the examples how in Tamil Nadu and Kerala the combined effort has made the lower castes to improve their status and political power. In 1970s Maharashtra Dalit Panther Movement started which focussed on the alternative. After independence, the constitutional provisions for positive discrimination, responsibility of state towards dalits, secularisation and the changing ideology along with the political mobilisation can be included as the consequence of the Dalit consciousness.
However, it remains a true fact that Dalit solidarity has been one of the top in agenda and changes in their status has certainly emerged but empirically we cannot say in totality that the disabilities associated with them has completely vanished.
Question : Backward classes Movement
(2006)
Answer : In broad terms, backward segments of Indian population include the scheduled castes, scheduled tribes and other backward classes. In other words, it includes all castes except the upper caste. It is also described as non-Brahmin movements.
The backward classes movement was anti Brahmin movements as well as a sort of cultural revolution. Brahmans have not only enjoyed cultural supremacy but have also acquired greater power and privileges. As a result of spread of western educationthey have become resentful for other castes i.e. Jat, Ahir, Kurmi etc, those at middle rung of caste hierarchy. The brahmins are numerical minority but they have captured most of power and privileges. On this account the backward classes thought it necessary to weaken the social and political hegemony of upper castes. Backward classes also recognised that caste is the basis of determination of backwardness and as a result thewestern educated elite from among backward classes took up the leadership of the movements. Infact, this movement was the result of ambitious and frustrated youths of intermediated educated castes and through this movement they aimed at capturing political power and economic ascendence in the states.
The important Backward Castes movement in pre-independence India were :
Jyoti Rao Phule was first to start a movement against Brahmanical supremacy, for this he founded Satya Sodhak Samaj. This movement was aimed at complete abolition of the caste system and socio-economic inequalities. He challenged the supremacy of the Brahmin’s and used the symbol of Raja Bali as opposed to the Brahmin’s symbol of Rama. He also took initiatives for economic betterment.
The backward castes movement in South India was started by Ramaswami Naicker as Self-Respect movement. He protested against the birth as the only criteria of status. He sought a new value system in which people of all castes and creeds could enjoy equal self-respect.
He denied the supremacy of Brahmins. In North India, Yadavas developed a new identity in early 20th century and started a movement against dominating castes such as Brahmins, Thakurs and Bhumihars.
However, the national identity of Yadavas emerged in 1923 with the formation of All India Yadavas’ Mahasabha by modern educated youths. The 1960s was a turning point in their movement when they agitated for a separate Yadava regiment in Indian Army and later on assumed the leadership of the backward castes fighting for the perferential treatment in education and employment.
Question : Self-respect movement
(2006)
Answer : Self-respect movement was launched by E.V. Ramaswami Naicker in mid 1920s in Tamil Nadu. The genesis of the movement was in the social imbalance created by Brahmanical domination of the traditional hierarchy. Though the Brahmins constituted only 3.3 percent of the population, the traditional and modern opportunities were monopolised by them. Besides, there occurred what is called Tamil renaissance which created consciousness among people about the Dravidian culture.
The ideology of the movement involved resistance and protest against caste system and its rules of pollution and purity. It also portrayed Hinduism as the handiwork of the Aryans for their supremacy. Naicker advocated burning of Manusmirti and Ramayana. It sought equality of all human beings. The activities as part of the movements were doing away with the service of priests, self respect marriage, widow remarraige, education of women etc.
The movement however, was confined to non-Brahmin caste. Its social base was constituted mainly by the middle caste. The outcastes which countenanced most the brunt of Brahmanical supremacy remained untouched. The scathing attack on religion in a deeply religious society had limitation. Naicker later decided to extend his struggle to the political arena.
He merged his self-respect movement with the Justice party in 1944 to form Dravida Kazhagam. This development changed the nature and character of the movement which focussed on the social and structural distortions. Now it competed for narrow political ends, instead of a wholesale structural change.
Question : Describe the process of social mobility among lower castes and discuss the role of the Backward classes movement in strengthening this process.
(2005)
Answer : There are three important levels at which mobility takes place in caste structure: (1) mobility of one family within a caste to a higher or lower position; (2) mobility of group of families within a caste to a higher or lower position; (3) mobility of individual members within a family belonging to certain caste to higher or lower position.
Mobility therefore takes place at individual family and group levels. A fourth type of social mobility which is mainly concerned with social mobility among lower castes has been described by M.N. Srinivas as Sanskritization. Sanskritization is the process by which a low Hindu castes or tribal or other group, changes its customs, ritual, ideology and way of life in the direction of a high and frequently twice-born caste. Generally, such changes are accompanied by a claim to a higher position in the caste hierarchy than that traditionally conceded to the claimant caste by the local community.
M.N. Srinivas explained status mobility in caste in 1952 through the process of not only Sanskritization but-also through westernization. He maintained that a low caste was able to rise in a generation or two to a higher position in the hierarchy by adopting vegetarianism and teetotalism. It took over rituals, customs, rites and beliefs of the Brahmins and gave up some of their own considered to be impure.
Initally, Srinivas talked of emulating the Brahmins style of life by the lower castes but later on he talked of emulation of life style of dominant castes of any high varna. Lynch has called this ‘elite emulation’. Barnett has referred to emulating the style of life of Brahmins and Kshatriyas as ‘Kingly model’ of emulation. Thus, an upwardly mobile jati tried to improve its status through sanskritization or ‘elite emulation’ or ‘kingly emulation’. However, M.N. Srinivas has claimed that untouchables are never able to cross the line of Sudra and move to ‘higher’ caste.
Factors that have made sanskritization possible are industrialization, occupational mobility, developed means of communication, spread of literacy, western technology, and awakening among the lower castes do give up polluting occupations and evil customs and social practices. According to Srinivas himself, one factor which has helped the spread of Sanskritization is the separation of ritual acts from the accompanying mantras (citations) which facilitated the spread of Brahmanical rituals.
Along with sanskritization, the process of westernization has also made social mobility possible. Westernization is a process of change in ideology, values, institutions and technology of a non-western society as a result of cultural contact with the western society for a long period. The important feature of westernisation is emphasis on technology and rationalism. Scholars like Daniel Lerner, Harold Gonld, Milton Singer and Yogendra Singh prefer ‘modernisation’ to ‘Westernization’. But Srinivas considers this term (modernisation) as ‘Subjective’.
Several lower castes have used politics as an instrument of social mobility. Some examples which may be given in this connection are: Mahars of Maharashtra, Kashtriyas of Gujarat, Nadars of Tamil Nadu, and Reddys and Kammas of Andhra Pradesh.
The Mahars of Maharashtra initially operated under conditions of social degradation but ultimately used politics for ameliorating their social condition. Ambedkar organised them into a political force and formed a Scheduled Caste Federation which was ultimately used as a political tool for achieving the goals of social equality and social mobility.
Rajni Kothari and Rushikesh Maru have given examples of some middle and lower castes and economically depressed communities of cultivators in Gujarat who federated together into a common organisation in the late 1940s and the 1950s for achieving political power. After winning elections against the Congress, they were ‘accepted’ into the Kshtriya fold. Thus, politics worked as a cementing force for them.
Role of the Backward Classes Movement: In order to improve their position and status in social hierarchy, the lower castes limitated the behaviour and life style of the higher castes. They pressed for new designations in office records. Broadly there were two distinguished tensions prevailing: (1) that between Brahmins and the Non-Brahmins and (2) that between so-called caste Hindus and the Harijans.
In Madras non-Brahamin caste found themselves in a disadvantageous position because the Brahmin caste, on account of their education, were holding higher posts. The non-Brahmin movement laid stress on two aspects: with respect to reservation in admission to college courses and with respect to recruitment to government jobs. In both, they wanted that the reservation should be according to the population proportion. Both the demands created a good deal of resentment among the Brahmins who now found themselves being discriminated on the ground of their caste. The members of the aggressive groups of Dravida Kazhagam and Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam in Tamil Nadu carried on a virulent campaign against Brahmins, there were hardly any violent outbursts.
But in North India when the lower castes claimed higher status, there were violent clashes. The Sudra castes sanskritized themselves and wanted to put on the sacred thread in order to register themselves in the census as members of the Vaisya or the Kshatriya castes. This led to violent clashes between the Brahmins and Kshatriyas on one hand and the Sudra castes on the other.
The basic aim of backward classes movement was to limit the Brahmin monopoly in the two fields of education and appointment to government posts. But this was not a mass movement. The opposition of Brahmin dominance did not come from the low and the oppressed castes but from the leaders of the powerful rural dominant castes such as the Kammas and Reddis of the Telugu Country, the Vellalas of Tamil Country and the Nayars of Kerala. These were high caste groups with a social position next to the Brahmins. This included not only the Hindus but also the Muslims, Christians and other communities. Incidently it may be noted that most of the Muslims and Christians are converts to those religions from the lower castes; their conversion to these religions does not enable them to overcome their social disabilities, particularly in the villages and in the city slums. This is the important reason why the term used to describe these groups is “Backward Classes” and not “Backward Castes”.
M.N. Srinivas explained that the rise of the backward class for education and economic opportunities was fundamentally a movement to achieve mobility on the part of the groups which had lagged behind the Brahmins in Westernization. This was inevitably a secular movement. The idea of equality was inherent in it. It led to widespread rivalry between castes which were eager to move up.
After independence emphasis on horizontal solidarity or identity consciousness has increased. They want to change honour and power. This process has taken the shape of ‘fundamental democratization’. The Mandal Commission reports about the constraints involved among the Backward Class groups to emerge as a new structure. The process of modernization in India is still in line of connubial, commensal and ritual order of the day.
Question : Analyse the ideological and strategical featurs of Naxalbari Movement.
(2002)
Answer : Naxalbari Movement and the Peasant revolt in north Bengal (1967-71): Ever since British advent, the feudal economy of India had undergone a varieties of change which are as follows.
This movement was led by three distinguished leadership - (a) the indigenous rural leadership (e.g Punjab Rao, Naresh, Aich) (b) the coopted rural leadership (e.g Kanu Sanyal, Panchan an Sarkar). They got the rural support by living among rural people and adopting their life style and (c) the urban - based leadership who may have evoked awe and reverence but not the unqualified trust of the simple peasants. As a matter of fact "right from very begining the movement noticed the conflict between urban-based and coopted leadership".
Relevant Aspects of Naxalbari movement suggests that transformation of 'Jotedari' to 'Jotedari-Adhiary' caused tension between capital and labour. The peasants lost the ownership on not only the land but other means of production also which resulted in their perpetual bondage. This created lots of discontent among peasants. The Communists tried through political socialization to make Adhiars understand this discontent. As soon as this took place, the Krishak Sabha, an organizaiton by peasants, came into action and agitated to get the peasants a better share out of their produce. But it goes to the credit of Charu Majumdar that realized the framework of system to do away with exploitation and oppression inherent in the semi-feudal system. He felt that the result of numerous open and mass struggle had resulted in very narrow outcomes. He overreacted against mass struggles on narrow economic demands which he dubbed as'revisionism'. He adopted Lin Piao's system of guerilla warfare to combat exploitative elements. The implications of this new 'revisionism' were as following.
(i) The large masses of peasantry trained and brought up in open militancy and entire power of directing the armed revolt went into the hands of urban leadership. Because the peasant leaders like Kanu Sanyal, Panchanan Sarkar, Jangal Santhal, Panjab Rao and others were in jail and 'Krishka Sabha' was declared obsolete:
(ii) The leaderless peasants found themselves in the dark about their prospective role. And urban leadership usurped the fields of peasant leaders and they introduced a new field to work with for simple peasants for which they were hardly prepared. This embarked upon internal dissensions among revolutionary and revolting wings which, at the end, eroded the prospects and objectives of the movement.
Question : Emergence of Dalit consciousness
(2002)
Answer : The term “Dalit” in sociological literature simply refers to the traditionally Shudra Varna or untouchable castes. It is also known as depressed castes or classes, the contact with whom entail purification on the part of high caste Hindus. A number of castes, such as Chamar, Dusadh, Musahar, Bhuiya, Dhobi, Pasi, Regar, Dom, Bhogta, Halakhor etc. are considered as Dalit in India. Traditionally, they have been facing the stigma of untouchability and social, economic and political exploitation and discrimination by the so called Dwija or twice-born castes. They are still largely illiterate, poor and have no consciousness, therefore, a “class-in-itself” sentiments are prevailing. But with the emergence of democratic political system, spread of modern education, legislations, weternisation, Sanskritization, caste-based politics, caste-association etc, the so-called Dalit are now, largely transforming themselves into “class-for-itself”, that they are becoming conscious to their plight and discriminations. Commenting on this changing situation, Sachidanand holds that the combination of forces like ameliorative efforts of the government, the growing consciouness of the Dalit and the liberal attitudes of caste Hindus will diminish the disabilities and discrimination with the passage of time. Politically, Dalit are becoming conscious of the fact that they have to take advantage of their vast number of political terms. They may not be united to form a separate political party but by supporting the dominant national political parties like Congress, Janata Dal , the BSP etc. But the problem is that though the educated Dalit show evidence of politicisation, the masses are not very touched by this process.
Question : Examine the role of Arya Samaj and Ram Krishna Mission in Reform Movements in India.
(2001)
Answer : Role of Arya Samaj : Mula Shanker, later known as Dayanand Saraswati, was born in 1824 in a Brahmin family, in the petty state of Morvi, in Kathiawar, Gujarat. After deeply studying the Vedas and Indian philosophy, Dayanand Saraswati came to the conclusion that the "Aryans were the chosen people, the vedas the chosen gospel and India the chosen land. Based on this belief, he found the Arya Samaj in Bombay in 1875. He considered Vedas are the sources of all knowledge and gave the slogan 'Go back to vedas'. He rejected the authority of later Hindu scriptures like the puranas, which in his views were responsible for the evil practice of idol worship and other superstitious beliefs in the Hindu religion. Arya Samaj denounced the infinite number of meaningless rites and the worship of the images of different Gods and Goddess wich split the people into numerous belligerent sects, repudiated the authority of the Brahmins and launched a crusade against all the religious superstitions.
The Arya Samaj proposed a very remarkable programme of social reforms. It stood, however for the fourfold Varna system to be determined by merit not by birth. The Arya Samaj stood for equal right of man and woman in social and educational matters. The Arya Samaj opposed untouchability, caste discrimination, child marriage and supported widow re-marriage and inter-caste marriage. Dayanand Saraswati provided the Arya Samaj with a code of social conduct and moral values.
The most outstanding contribution of the Arya Samaj was that it attempted to inculcate a sense of pride in India’s past and worked for the spread of western education. The Arya Samaj established the DAV educational institution for the education of both boys and girls. It played a very progressive role in the earlier stage of national awakening when it attacked religious superstitions, the supremacy of the Brahmins, polytheism, untouchability and adopted a programme of mass edcuation, elimination of sub-castes and equality of man and woman.
Some of the activities of Arya Samaj were, however very controversial. The foremost was the Shuddhi programme, to open the doors of Hindustan for those was had embraced other religion. Shuddhi provided for the reconversion of such persons to Hinduism. This movement was mainly against Christian. Another-plank in the programme of Arya Samaj was the protection of cow. In 1882, Arya Samaj formed a “Cow Protection Association”. Some overzealous agents of the samaj carried on their activities in an aggressive manner which resulted in serious riots between Hindus and Muslims.
The democratic organisation which Dayanand gave to the Arya Samaj, provided it enough life and vitality. On account of its democratic working the movement continued to gain strength even after Dayanand Saraswati's death in 1883.
Role of Ramkrishna Mission: The Ramkrishna Mission which was established by Swami Vivekanand in 1887 has done remarkable work in the fields of economic, metaphysics, social reform, religion etc. He was the 'disciple of Ram Krishna Paramhansa whose humanism, social, religious and spiritual ideas became the guiding force of the Vivekanand's reform policy. In his pamphelet entitled “I am a socialist,” Vivekanand appealed to the upper class in India to give up their position and privileges and to merge themselves with the lower classes. The new India, according to him, was to arise from the farmer's plough, the fritter-seller's oven, from the huts, from the forest, from the peasants and the working classes. He also believed in working for the poor and downtrodden. "So long as the millions live in hunger and ignorance, I hold every man a traitor who, having been educated at their expense, pays no head to them". "I don't believe in a God or religion who cannot give me bread here, giving me eternal bliss in heaven". “I call him a traitor who having been nursed in luxury by the downtrodden millions of toiling poor never even take a thought for them". "I don't believe in a God or religion which cannot wipe the widow's tears or bring a piece of bread to the orphan mouth.”
He anticipated by a century the modern concept of informal education and literacy compaign. According to him, whatever resources society could offer should be spent only on primary education and not for running universities and colleges. He said, "All your reform movements like sati-abolition and widows-remarriage would not succeed as they were confined only to the upper one percent of the population". Vivekanand was never tired of appealing for emancipaiton of women. He remarked, "with 500 dedicated men, I will take 50 years to transform this country. With 50 dedicated women, it will take only a few years". His ideal of reform was based on improving the condition of women, overhauling the education system and abolishing caste distinction. He offered a synthesis between the old and the new.
He was in favour of equality of all religion but against conversion from one religion to another, he remarked, "If you are born a Muslim, be a good Muslim and if you are born a Hindu, be a good Hindu. He was aware of the defects of the capitalist mode of production. He was in favour of small scale farming by peasant proprietor and small-scale agro-based enterprises as against large scale capital intensive projects.
Thus, both the Arya Samaj of Dayanand Saraswati and Ramkrishna Mission of Swami Vivekanand contributed a lot to the Socio-religious reform movement during the 19th century. They were the architect of modern secular and democratic society.
Question : Satyashodnak Samaj
(2001)
Answer : The Satyasodhak Samaj was established by Jyotiba Phule. It proclaimed the need to save the lower castes from the hypocritical Brahmins and their opportunistic scripture. His main work was to wage the masses and lead them to an organised resistance against the unreasonable claims of the priestly class. He made no distinction between non-Brahmins and untouchables. An extract from the report of Satyasodhak Samaj makes its object clear: "For thousands of year with the help of their books, the Brahmins have declared the masses as low born and are exploiting them. To liberate them from the throldam of the sacerdotal authority and make them concious of their rights by educating them, Satyasodhak Samaj was founded on September 24, 1873. Phule's theory of exploitation of lower castes was focussed on cultural and ethnic factors rather than on political and economic ones. According to Phule, education and organization were the means to create unity and a sense of identity by returning to pre-Brahmin related traditions. Through this, the Brahminical ideological chain would be broken and a caste-free and just society created. Jyotiba Phule's movement soon spread to the Maratha caste cluster and even Dr. B.R. Ambedkar was, later on, influnced by it. As a result of Phule's movement, the untouchable Mahars formed the backbone of Ambedkar's anti caste movement towards the end of twentieth century.
Question : Naxalbari Movement.
(1999)
Answer : This movement (1967-71) was chiefly launched by the three distinguished leadership. Firstly, the indigenous rural leadership such as Punjab Rao and Naresh Aich. Secondly the rural leadership such as Kanu Sanyal and Panchan Sarkar and thirdly, the urban-based leadership who may have evoked awe and reverence but not the unqualified trust of simple peasants. As a matter of fact right from very beginning the movement noticed the conflict between the urban based and coopted leadership. Relevant aspect of Naxalbari movement suggests that the transformation of Jotedari to ‘Jotedari-Adhiary’ caused tension between capital and labour. The peasant lost the ownership on not only the land but other means of production also which resulted in their perpetual bondage. This created lots of discontent among peasants. The Communist tried through political socialization to make Adhiars to understand this discontent. As soon as this took place, the Kisan Sabha, an organisation by peasant, came into action and agitated to get the peasants a better share out of their product. But it goes to the credit of Charu Majumdar that realised the framework of system to do away with exploitation and oppression inherent in the semi-fedal system. He felt that the result of numerous open and mass struggle has resulted in very narrow outcome. He over acted against mass struggle on narrow economic demands, which he dubbed as ‘revisionism’. He adopted Lin Pia’s system of guerilla warfare to combat exploitative elements.
Question : Revivalist Social Movement in India
(1998)
Answer : The revivalist social movement refers to those movements, which arose for the revival of some traditional or fundamental features of a community. For example, the Jharkhand movement in Bihar was organised for the preservation of tribal ecology and economy. The so-called ‘Dikku’ or outsider made interference in the tribal culture and way of life as a result of which their culture, religion and social cohesion were negatively affected. With the establishment of separate Jharkhand State, they have been able to maintain their culture and distinctive identity. Swami Dayanand evoked the people to return to the Vedas through which the ancient Vedic cultural characteristics got impetus during the British regime. The Ramkrishna Mission or Hindu religion under the leadership of Swami Vivekanand was popularised and revived. He strengthened the identity of Hinduism in the world. The Ahmadia movement and Deoband movements among the Muslim community were, to a great extent, revivalistic in nature. During the period of colonial rule, many other movements were launched to pressure the indigenous culture and civilization of India against the impact of alien culture, especially western.
