Caste System

Answer : In the modern industrial society caste and occupational mobility is rapidly increasing because of social change. In the traditional Indian society, under the Varna system, each caste or varna has been assigned a particular type of occupation which others are prohibited to do. For example, a Brahamin cannot involve in trade and commerce of society and so on. But evidence have been found that the occupational change in the various castes have occurred as the social change in the society has offered it. O.M. Lynch has remarked that in the process of sanskritization, the lower caste come to acquire wealth and abandon their earlier polluting occupation. William Rowe studied the Noniya of Senapur village in Eastern UP and found that, now Noniya is claiming the rajput's status by giving up their traditional occupation of salt making. The Kanvis of Gujarat, studied by Pocock, have similarly improved their status by changing their occupation. The chamars or leather worker in northern India have given up working at certain place or retrieving dead animal for Jajman. Balas in Rajsthan have given up making shoes. Under the constitution various lower castes have been given special opportunity. Now they are free to choose any occupation and job. As a result of it, they are, now occupying key positions in education, administration, politics and other spheres. Thus, the nature of occupational mobility among the castes is of vertical and upward in nature especially among the untouchable and backward castes. On the other hand, among the upper caste, the nature of occupational mobility is relatively downward. The process, of sanskritization and modernisation are rapidly altering the traditional occupational structure of Indian society.

Answer : The cultural and structural aspect of the caste are the two sides of the same coin. However, some sociologists believe that the caste system can be better understood if approached and analysed in terms of ideas, norms and values associated with caste system. This has come to be known as cultural view about caste. Similarly there are other sociologist who believe the dynamic of the caste system can be better understood if analysed in terms of structural aspect of the caste system. This has given rise to structural view about caste. According to Prof. Yogendra Singh, each of these views can be further divided into two categories in terms of their universalistic orientation. Universalistic orientation means that caste system is regarded as just another manifestation of universal phenomena of social stratification. On the other hand, particularistic orientation means that the caste system is viewed as a system of stratification which is unique to Indian society. Thus, the views about caste system can be classified into four categories viz. (i) cultural universalistic (ii) cultural particularistic (iii) structural universalistic (iv) structural particularistic.

Answer : The caste system is still relevant today though the rules are not as rigid as they were in the past. People have become progressive in many aspects with western education, contact with foreigners, media, globalization and modern communications. Although casteism was outlawed after Independence and in 1962, a law was passed making it illegal to discriminate against the untouchable castes. In practice however, discrimination still continues today. This can be seen in continuing opposition to inter-caste marriages especially with lower classes, personal practices of not sharing food utensils with lower castes in particular untouchables etc. In India, both the worlds exists - one, who continues to preach and practice caste discrimination and other, who doesn’t care about castes at all.

But now, all castes are equally treated by the law. Education is free and open to all castes. The social injustice of past was sought to be rectified by providing reservations to SC, ST and OBCs to the ceiling of 50% of total seats in educational institutions and government jobs and was referred to as positive discrimination. This was aimed at development and upliftment of the socially backward classes to help them get out of clutches of backwardness, but today these same castes are fighting hard to hold on to their backward status to keep getting the benefits of reservations in education and jobs which is considered an easy and important tool for upward social mobility.

The country has witnessed many protests aiming at getting their castes classified as backward, for getting or increasing reservation quotas, the latest in picture being the “Jat” agitations in Haryana. There exist small pockets of groups who resent the system – the general category representing the “higher” castes. This is in effect to frustration due to injustice as getting into a top university or elite government jobs, a student with a backward caste certificate needs a lower grade than the others. The ongoing protests in Gujarat agitating for a removal of the government’s system of caste quotas demand “either free the country from reservation or make everybody a slave of reservation.”

True, the discrimination against the Dalits and other backward classes still exists in Indian society. But caste system has also molded into a system that needs to be continuously bred to maintain grip on propagating reservations that makes it easy to compete and landing elite jobs at lower merit. The caste divide has only deepened with increasing conflict.

Answer : Post-Poona pact Gandhi was looked on as one of the strongest enemies of the Untouchables by Ambedkar and his followers. Ambedkar, born into the “untouchable” caste of Mahars, found himself in conflict with Gandhi, who had declared himself an untouchable by choice. While Ambedkar argued for a broad civil rights organization which would focus on gaining civic rights for Dalits – entry into public places, use of public facilities, broad civil liberties — and he wanted it under control of the Dalits themselves, Gandhi saw untouchability as a sin of Hinduism and envisaged an organization of upper-caste Hindus atoning and working for the “uplift” of Untouchables.

On Harijan Sevak Sangh, Ambedkar said “the whole object of the Sangh is to create a slave mentality among the Untouchables towards their Hindu masters.” It was seen as a major thrust of paternalism by Ambedkar. While Ambedkar and his followers stood for the annihilation of caste, Gandhi was a fervent believer of “varnashrama dharma”. Gandhi did not see untouchables as individuals born into a particular community; rather as somewhat unthinking members of an existing Hindu community. Ambedkar in contrast put the individual and his/her development at the center of his vision. Gandhi is actually one of the most hated Indian leaders in the hierarchy of those considered enemies of India’s Dalits or “untouchables” by the leadership of India’s Dalits.

Answer : Dumont’s perspective on caste system was primarily concerned with the ideology of the caste system. For him caste is set of relationships of economic, political and kinship systems, sustained by certain values which are mostly religious in nature. Dumont says that caste is not a form of stratification but a special form of inequality. Here he identifies hierarchy as the essential value underlying the caste system supported by Hinduism. His analysis is based on a single principle-the opposition of pure and impure. According to Dumont caste divides the whole Indian society into a larger number of hereditary groups distinguished from one another and connected together by three characteristics:

1. Separation on the basis of rules of the caste in matters of marriage and contact whether direct or indirect (food).
2. Interdependent of work or division of labor each group having in theory or by tradition, a profession from which their members can depart only within certain limits
3. Gradation of status or hierarchy which ranks the groups as relatively superior or inferior to one another.

Dumont highlights the state of mind which is expressed by the emergence in various situations of castes. He calls caste system as a system of ideas and values which is a formal comprehensible rational system.

Answer : Ghurye considers presence of caste in different parts of country at different parts of time, inter-relation between different castes and forms of different entitlements of different caste groups.

Features of Caste

• Segmental division of society: Ghurye considers that Indian society is divided into multiple localized communities called as caste, people belonging to a caste are largely dispersed cutting across a village. Historically speaking culture unified India and caste divided India. Hence, Indian society driven by caste is not a society rather it is society of societies.
• Hierarchy: Ghurye’s understanding of caste is hierarchical but it is not absolutely fixed because in middle position of caste structure there has always been flexibility. Hence for Ghurye, like class some elements of mobility are present in caste system but unlike class, all position of the caste are not equally subjected to upward and downward mobility.
• Restrictions of food, drinks and social common ability: There are sets of rules by which a person belonging to caste is forbidden to take food with the members of another caste. A Brahmin cannot take food cooked with water in a Kshatriyas’ house but he can take food prepared and cooked in full ghee.
• Disabilities and privileges of different castes: Each caste is socially desired to perform certain occupations. Thus Brahmin cannot choose the profession of weeper and vice versa. In Hindu caste system, Brahmins are the most priviledged castes and Shudra are worst priviledged casts.
• Endogamy: Endogamy or marriage within one’s own caste or sub-caste group is an essential feature of caste system. It is one of the main reasons for the persistence of caste system.

Thus, basically caste refers to people belonging to the same breed. Castes are inscriptive groups, in Indian caste system there is prominence of ideas of party and pollution and notions of hierarch.

Answer : Social reforms made ceaseless efforts for the removal of untouchability and the material progress of untouchables. The reform movement of untouchables firmly believed that the progress of the nation could not be realized without first removing untouchability.

Neo-vedantik movement was initiated by Hindu religious and social reformers. These movements attempted to remove untouchability by taking them into the fold of the caste system.

Dayanand Saraswati the founder of Arya Samaj believed that the caste system was a political institution created by the rulers for the common good of society and not a natural or religious distinction.

The Satyashodhak Samaj and the self-respect movements in Maharashtra and the Tamil Nadu, the Adi Dharma and Adi Andhra movement in Bengal and Adi-Hindu movement in Uttar Pradesh are important anti-untouchability movements which were launched in the last quarter of the 19th and the early part of 20th century.

The movement did not pose a direct threat to the caste system. It was in essence, conceived as and remained a protest against the attribution of low roles and functions to the untouchable by means of a claim not to be Aryan Hindus.

The Nadars organized movements in the late 19th century against the civic disabilities they suffered. They formed their caste organization in 1903 called SNDP Yogam. According to it, the low social status of the Iravas is due to their low social and religious practices. The association launched activities for Sanskritising the norms and customs of the Iravas. They launched a Satyagraha for temple entry in the 1920s.They bargained with a government for economic opportunities and political positions.

A major anti-touchability movement was launched by Dr Ambedkar in the 1920s in Maharashtra. He saw the opportunity and possibility of advancement for the untouchables through the use of political means to achieve social and economic equality with the highest classes in modern society.

Ghanshyam Shah classifies the Dalit movements into reformative and alternative movements. The former tries to reform the caste system to solve the problem of untouchability. The alternative movement attempts to create an alternative socio-cultural structure by conversion to some other religion or by acquiring education, economic status and political power.

Both types of movements use political means to attain their objectives. Social reforms fought for a society free from caste-domination and class-exploitation. So long as these two machines of exploitation - caste and class - are in existence, social movements would be relevant to fight against them.

Answer : In India there is a distinct feature of class structure is the overlapping of caste structure and consciousness that inter-penetration of caste and class has proceeded with the development of capitalism and exploitation in society leading to extreme poverty in Indian society.

Poverty and the poor are always associated with (a) resourcelessness, (b) choicelessness, (c) insecurity and (d) deprivation which creates incapacities in the pursuit of dignified life in a given society for a person, household, group or community. Alex Ninian in his study of untouchables, he writes, the caste system that was established in India forced many people who belong to the lower castes into poverty.

These lower castes or Dalits are essentially shunned from society. Opposition to inter-caste marriage has helped in preserving the poverty level in India as well. Marxist scholars from their class and capitalistic perspective analyse problem of mass poverty in India is a standing testimony to the enduring forms of old exploitation which are now combined with newer varieties of globalised capitalism.

Thus in India it is caste system offering legitimacy to exploitation of lower section of society and they are more vulnerable to extreme poor and on the other hand the same caste system also provide class based stratification to increase the rate of poverty in India. As K. V. Verghese rightly observes, “Caste system acted as a springboard for class exploitation with the result that the counterpart of the poverty of the many is the opulence of the few. The second is the cause of the first.”

Answer : Srinivas used the term dominant caste for the first time in his essay ‘Social System of a Mysore village’. The concept of dominant caste says that in a social setting of rural India, there is sometimes a caste which dominates the social, economic and political affairs of the village. The members of a dominant caste have an upper hand in all the affairs of the locality and enjoy many special opportunities as well as privileges. Without the acceptance of this dominant caste it is not possible to perform any task in an independent manner. Therefore, there exists unequal power relationship between the dominant caste and the other castes.

According to Srinivas, those castes which are economically well off, politically powerful and numerically strong are considered as dominant castes. The dominant caste may not be ritually high but enjoy high status because of wealth, political power and numerical strength. The presence of educated persons and high occupation rate also play an important role in deciding its dominance over other caste groupings. Sometimes a single clan of dominant caste controls a number of villages in areas. The dominant caste settles dispute between persons belonging to their own and other castes. The people of other lower castes look at them as their ‘reference group’ and try to imitate their behavior, ritual pattern, custom and ideology. The members of the dominant caste particularly those from the wealthy and powerful families are representative of this village in dealing with the government officials.

To a large extent, this concept helps us in understanding the reality. For example, Jats in Haryana became dominant caste after getting benefits from land reform and green revolution. Then they asserted themselves politically. Land ownership over a period of time moved towards dominant caste.

But, Dumont has challenged this concept as sometime even a numerically insignificant caste can become dominant if it is powerful in the nearby region. Sometimes, with physical proximity to political leaders they wield more influence. Also, various castes are faction ridden and there occurs fragmentation of dominant caste. Thus, we can say that Srinivas’s analysis through the concept of dominant caste has enriched the sociological analysis.

Answer : Andre Beteille conducted his fieldwork in Shripuram village in Thanjavurdistrict of Tamil Nadu. He adopted the Weberian approach to study stratification in the Indian society.

Weberian model consists of three dimension of stratification. These are class, status and power. The stratification based on economic inequality leads to different classes. The stratification based on caste inequality leads to different status and the stratification based on political inequality leads to unequal power.

As Beteille has adopted Weberian model, his definition of class is also weberian in nature. It is the market situation of a person which defines his class position. It is the ability of a person to derive benefits from the market which determines his life chances. But, the market situation is also affected by the caste and power a person has.

When these three inequalities overlap there occur cumulative inequality and when they don’t exactly overlap we have dispersed inequality. Gradually we are moving from cumulative to dispersed inequality. For example, Other Backward Classes have captured political power in many Indian States whereas Dalits have gained it in Uttar Pradesh.

Answer : Westernization is a process of adopting certain ideals, beliefs, practices and culture in areas such as industry, technology, law, politics, economics, language and values.

This western culture developed in the west over a long period of time and is people of West have imbibed that culture in them. But, when we borrow and apply them to India it leads to mixed results i.e. both positive and negative.

The biggest positive contribution of westernization is our constitution. It is a forward looking document based on ideas of equality, liberty, fraternity and freedom. By using western technologies and discoveries, Indians have benefitted immensely from fighting polio to sufficiency in food production. In education, the English education has opened new avenues for Indian students. In short, westernization has brought about modernizing changes in Indian society.

But, it has also led to many negative and undesirable changes. Gradually, the attitude of consumerism is growing among the young people. It is manifested in terms of increasing wastefulness, degrading environment at the cost of poor and degrading portrayal of women leading to her commodification.

Family structure is changing from joint to nuclear. Youth are taking to evils like drinking of liquor, frequent break ups in relationship and are resorting to live-in relations. Thus, the collectivism is being replaced by individualism.

As there are contradictory norms of tradition and modernity a state of anomy has built up. The youth must be guided and educated so as to make better and informed choices.

Though we can’t stop westernization but the existing changes must be acceptable to all.

Answer : Annihilation of caste is a book written by Ambedkar where he has suggested the ways in which caste system can be ended. As he thinks that the caste system derives its legitimacy from the Hindu religion, he has talked about various ways in which Hindu religion can be reformed to end the iniquitous caste system.

In this book he has questioned the ethics and morality of Hindu religion. To quote him: “The effect of caste on the ethics of the Hindus is simply deplorable. Caste has killed public spirit. Caste has destroyed the sense of public charity. Caste has made public opinion impossible. A Hindu’s public standing is based upon his caste. His responsibility is to his caste. His loyalty is restricted only to his caste. Virtue has become caste-ridden, and morality has become caste-bound. “

According to him, the Hindu Dharmashastras gave legitimacy to the doctrine of Chaturvanya and the caste system. The infamous Manusmriti dehumanized the Sudras and untouchables, ruled the Hindu psyche for centuries and created the greatest obstacle to any serious attempt at eradicating the caste system. He gave illustrations of how they were deprived of education and freedom of occupation and were subjected to stigmatized manual labor. This all resulting in their virtual economic slavery, how they were segregated and deprived of basic rights such as drinking water even from public wells, and above all how they were made victims of social persecutions.

He rejected the defense of caste on the basis of division of labor and argued that it was not merely a division of labor but a division of laborers. The former was voluntary and depended upon one’s choice and aptitude and, therefore, rewarded efficiency.

The latter was involuntary, forced, killed initiative and resulted in job aversion and inefficiency. He argued that caste could not be defended on the basis of purity of blood, though pollution is a hallmark of the caste system. Therefore, he suggested inter marriages between different castes as a way to destroy caste system. In the end he adopted Buddhism as there is no caste system in Buddhism and asked his followers to convert to Buddhism. He has also talked about the destruction of Hindu religion but by that he only meant to reform it in such a way that caste system gets destroyed. Thus, guided by ideals of equality and freedom he aimed to challenge the traditional notion of inequality as perpetuated by the caste system.

Answer : Louis Dumont was an indologist and highlighted the role of ideology to understand the caste system and its interactions. This ideology is of purity and pollution and there exists hierarchy of castes based on their level of purity.

According to Dumont, inter caste relations are maintained in such a way that the purity of each caste is maintained. Based on Bougle’s classification he identified three principles of caste system.

1. Separation in the matters of marriage and contact: Because marriage between two people of different purity will affect the purity of upper caste.
2. Hierarchy: Ranking of castes is done in the order of decreasing purity.
3. Division of labor: Castes of low purity are given the polluting work so that they absorb the pollution of upper casters and keep them pure.

Dumont further argues that these castes rankings must be seen from the perspective of holism as these are ranked with respect to the whole and contributes to the well being of society. It is not advisable to evaluate this system from the egalitarian values of the west such as equality and freedom. Thus, hierarchy based on purity and pollution provides moral justification to those who live in it.

But, Dumont has somewhat overemphasized the role of ideology in his study. By neglecting the empirical ground realities it provides only a partial explanation of reality. Various objections to his observations in book Homo Hierarchicus are:

1. With rise in modern means of transportation and inter dining in restaurants, the concept of purity and pollution is difficult to practice and is losing relevant.
2. It is a kind of Brahiminical view as hierarchy is not only justified but is seen to be functional.
3. Dumont seems to be more interested in system maintenance and integration. He ignored the conflict and change happening in the society.
4. It is difficult to rank the middle classes based on this ideology.
5. There is no empirical study to prove his theory.

Thus, to have an overall and comprehensive analysis of reality both ideological and empirical views must be considered.

Answer : In his book ‘Religion and Society Among the Coorgs of South India’, M.N. Srinivas has provided a methodological alternative to caste study and indicated that caste should not be studied as a system of values differently attached with different groups to formulate a hierarchy as spelled out by indologists rather caste is a product of real empirical relationship among people in a contextual plain.

Hence caste must be studied in terms of structure, comparison should be made between caste structure and caste relation in one situation with that of another to develop a generalised understanding of caste. In his work ‘Caste in Modern India and other essays’, he writes that to understand caste structure one has to look into ritual and secular structure present within the caste. The ritual position of caste is determined by dialect, manner, language, codes of conduct, ceremonies, rules of marriage. To its contrast, the secular structure of caste is defined in terms of access over land, wealth, education and power. In the ancient times, ritual hierarchy of Caste had been dominant over secular hierarchy over caste. He cites the example from Ramayana, Dasharatha paid respect to Vashistha and got his patronage. He also considers mobility in the caste.

According to him caste mobility is possible through the adoption of variety of procedures including migration, carrying new caste name, status rituals, etc. He considers that caste mobility has different kinds of consequences that includes readjustment of caste structure, re-allocation of caste position, tension and conflict between various caste groups.

However, the Andre Beteille understanding of caste is highly reflexive, diffusive in comparision to other sociologists. He never looked into caste as structural organisation like M.N. Srinivas. His observation on caste are mostly related to the question like stratification, social change, democratic politics, structure of inequality, developmental planning, future of society. Hence he offers variable explanation to caste in India. He stand committed to Weberian wisdom that caste must be studied as a historical and empirical rather than being viewed as institutional good or bad for society. His reflection on caste in India is being depicted in his book ‘Caste, Class and Power’. He considered that village society in India is stratified on the basis of 3 multiple criteria and caste is one of them. Caste is determined by the work indicating the status differences among people. Class determined by unequal control over agricultural land and power is concerned with unequal distribution of power on the basis of political networking and political position in rural economy.

Answer : Broadly speaking, the untouchables of the Hindu caste system are officially known as the scheduled castes. The same category of castes is also called Harijana, the children of god, a term coined by Mahatma Gandhi in 1933. However, the word ‘Harijan’ has now acquired a negative meaning. The members of these castes now prefer to be called as dalit.

Dalit or the downtrodden have been referred to in history as people without history of their own and they have been marginalised a lot in their own land and treated as mere objects. The anti-Brahmin movements and dalit consciousness had started during colonial period. Though till 1960s, dalits were not aware of their numbers. Tracing the history of the dalit consciousness Ghanshyam Shah says that the anti-caste movement which began in the 19th century under the inspiration of Jyotiba Phule and was carried on in the 1920s by the non-Brahman movements in Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu developed under the leadership of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar. But the social consciousness of dalit shows a particular characteristics and cannot be explained satisfactorily by reference to economic exploitation or political oppression. Dalit movements have set themselves wider and fundamental aims. Their inner motive can be conceived best as a struggle for recognition as fellow human beings. On the one hand,it is a struggle for self-confidence and space for self determination, on the other hand, a struggle target has been the abolition of all discriminations connected with it. For example—violence, sexual harassment, forced labour, exclusion from certain profession.

Modern dalit social movements reached their peak in the first half of the twentieth century. They used the space provided by an emerging restructured public sphere for regional self organisation and trans-regional networking. Dr. B.R. Ambedkar’s movement occupies the most important place in the modern dalit movements. Dr. Ambedker also organised and led one of these movements, popularly know as Mahar movement. It was largely confined to a lower untouchable castes liberation, rejecting the leadership and ideological hegemony of non-dalit.

He was also influenced by Marxism. His movement continues to inspire the dalit leadership even today and the entire political mobilisation of the Bahujan Samaj Party which became the ruling party in Uttar Pradesh was based on it. From about late 1960s the deprived have started taking matters into their own hands with the realisation that only their own activism will undo injustice. The militant among dalit tend to completely reject the Gandhian model of tackling their problems and they have been reshaping the political awareness of the dalits in Ambedkarite mould. Building on Ambedkar’s policies and the new identity provided by Ambedkar, the Dalit Panther Movement and the Dalit Sahitya Movement gave expression to dalit experiences of expression.

The Dalit Panthers Movement is typical of the increased aggressiveness of untouchables who are proud to be called dalit. This organisation was born in 1972 in Bombay emphasized the need to fight for basic rights and held that every atrocity must be avenged. Further, Kansi Ram and Mayawati’s Bahujan Samaj Party represents new forces among dalits challenging old powers. Smaller numbers of restive poor are also stepping the banner of radical groups like the Naxalite and Marxist Communist Centre which dispense justice in the countryside.

What has emerged in the last two decades or so is first, dalit consciousness has travelled a long distance. Several, mainstream parties which earlier called the shots in alliance with the dalits are vying for the attention of the increasing ascendant dalits. As a whole, the dalit movement today is the main force of the anti-caste democratic movement. Dalits are also getting benefits for themselves rather than amelioration of the early deprived.

Answer : The phenomenon of caste has raised more controversy than any other aspect of Indian life and thought. Some see India’s caste system as the defining feature of Indian culture and some have dismissed it as a colonial artefact. Since the days of the British rule both historians and a anthropologists referred to India as a caste society.

Caste is also explained as a system of elaborately stratified social hierarchy that distinguishes people of India into different segment. Traditionally caste hierarchy has been ritual hierarchy in terms of one’s status on the basis of degree of purity and impurity and the secular or material attributes of status ranking were secondary in nature. These secular attributes were wealth or ownership of land, access to political power, etc. However, the certain processes of change which began during the British rule but acquired momentum after independence have promoted charges in the system of ranking of castes. Urbanisation also gave serious blow to the ritual dimension of the caste.

After independence it was thought that the traditional discrimination of caste and caste conflict will be eliminated from the society with the manifold increase in secularisation of inter-caste and interpersonal relations. The economic development, education and political participation of different caste groups will facilitate elimination of caste based discrimination from the society.

With the manifold increase in secularisation, the ritual and social distance between castes have narrowed down and people’s concern for improving the quality of life have also promoted level of consumption. The increased economic development have promoted occupational opportunities which were considered ritually neutral. Thus, the new determinants of status have pushed the ritual determinants to background. In the sphere of inter caste and interpersonal relations different ritual statuses have come together in modern occupational settings. On secular occasions the non-Brahmin caste also occupy a higher place. Democratic decentralisation of power has also led to increased participation of lower caste and access to political power has become another means of status enhancement.

But even after six decades of Independence, caste continue to be a major form of discrimination. Caste continue to be a major theme in Indian politics and many political parties try to make caste an issue in the electoral arena and cash it. The government in the name of creating a casteless, secular society and to compensate the injustice meted out by the so-called higher castes to the oppressed, downtrodden, economically poor, educationally backward masses of India, created a plethora of new castes. These new castes are classified as Backward classes, Schedule Castes and Scheduled Tribes. These new castes are protected by the quota system or reservation policy for widening their educational and employment opportunities. These people are preferred to all other groups for getting admissions to schools, universities, and getting selected for jobs. The caste like discriminations have unintentionally entered into the country which is causing conflict and discrimination among different sections of society.

Answer : Parsis and Marwaris were, for long known as collaborators and middlemen with the British who then ventured into setting up of industries and established some of India’s first industries. The Parsi community were the collaborators of the British and sympathised with them. They partly financed the military defence of the Bombay fort and were loyal to the British during the mutiny of 1857, financing the British military apparatus. Also, a part of the Parsi community was fast to recognize that it was very useful to learn English, to adopt British customs and to intensify their relation with the British in order to improve the socio-economic position of the community.

The Parsis were among the first to build up the Indian cotton textile industry in Bombay. Unlike Marwaris, they did not face stiff opposition from British in their venture. Parsis owned nine of ten mills built in Bombay between 1854 and 1863. Thus, we see the Parsi community played a crucial part during initial phase of Indian industrialisation. Today, looking at Tata industries and various fields into which it has diversified, one feels that they not just initiated the drive but are still contributing significantly in India’s economic development.

Answer : Louis Dumont in his book Homo Hierarchies: The Caste System and its Implications, developed a theory of caste hierarchy that locates its basis in the nation of purity and pollution. He approaches the Hindu caste system from a structuralist perspective that focuses on the underlying structure of idea of a system. Dumont rejects the idea that caste is just another form of stratification like class or estate. He asserts that caste is peculiar to India and it cannot be explained in terms of politico-economic factors where it is seen as a system of domination and exploitation.

Caste, Dumont argues, is above all an ideology, ‘a system of ideas, beliefs and values’. It is only via ideology that the essence of caste could be grasped and true principle behind the system could be known. And the underlying ideology of caste system is hierarchy. Hierarchy is not merely another name for inequality or an extreme form of social stratification, but a totally different principle of social organisation. Hierarchy, for Dumont is the principle of ‘the opposition of the pure and the impure’. For him, castes were not merely ranked hierarchically in a vertical order, they were also mutually related through this system of oppositional structure. Thus caste is founded on the necessary and hierarchical coexistence of the two opposites-the pure and the impure. Another important aspect of the Hindu caste system in his theory is the specific relationship that exists between status and power. The distinguishing feature of caste society is that status as a principle of social organisation is superior to power. Unlike the class society, in caste system, power is operated within the framework of status hierarchy.

Answer : More than sixty years of Independence and Untouchability is still alive and thriving in India’s hinterland. Pockets of social change have been but mere drops in this vast ocean of casteism, prejudice and discrimination. Untouchability has not only survived the constitutional ban but taken new avatars in many parts of the country. It might be a legal offence, punishable under Indian law, however millions of dalits-ex-untouchables by law but untouchable in practice, across the country who account for roughly 1/5th of the population continue to suffer birth based discrimination and humiliation.

Article 17 of the Indian Constitution states the “untouchability is abolished and its practice in any form is forbidden. The enforcement of any disability arising out of untouchability shall be an offence punishable in accordance with law”. And in pursuance of this provision, Parliament passed Untouchability (Offences) Act, 1955. Despite all these measures, Dalits are still subjected to segregation with little access to temples, water sources or upper caste areas. Majority of them are still stuck in degrading occupations like tanning, shoemaking, manual scavenging, sweeping, carrying dead animals or removing human corpses and ashes. More than 90% of the agricultural labourers in India belong to this class of untouchables which includes the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribes. Indian economy might be growing at an enviable rate with thousands of jobs being generated every year, but these people have little choice, if any, to do some other work than that traditionally assigned to them. In U.P. almost every village has a ‘Chamar toli’, a place segregated for them. Then there are separate crematoria for upper castes and Dalits. Segregation and discrimination is blighting even the next generation. Dalit children are made to sit separately in schools. They can’t wear shoes in the presence of upper caste people. Also there are separate utensils for them in schools where they are provided mid-day meals. Human Rights abuses against them are common.

A random sampling of headlines is mainstream national newspapers tells their story-”Dalit tortured by cops for 3 days”, “Dalit witch paraded naked”, “Dalit killed in lock-up at Kurnool”, “5 Dalits lynched in Haryana”. There have been large scale abuses by the police acting in collusion with upper castes, including raids, beating in custody, failure to charge offenders or investigate reported crimes. All this single handedly point to the fact that legislations alone cannot do away with the evil of untouchability. The whole society needs to stand together and work towards wiping this menace off the Indian society. Deprived of their right to education, right to land, right to property, these ex-untouchables have given in to life of servitude and object humiliation.

Thus, one agrees with Sachchidanand that the combination of factors like ameliorative efforts of the government, the growing consciousness of the dalits and the liberal attitudes of caste hindus will only help in diminishing the disabilities and discriminations with the passage of time.

Answer : Weber talked of social stratification in three terms-class, status and power. Class refers to group formation based on economic criteria on person’s position in the market situation. Status, on the other hand stratifies society in terms of prestige, honour and respect. Caste system is based on this principle of status ascribed by birth. And lastly power signifies the political power.

According to Weber, all these three forces are not exclusive and often work in relation to each other. Present day Indian-society is an apt example of interplay of class, caste and power.

Andre Beteille, in his book Caste, Class and Power, contesting to view of other sociologists who see Indian society as primarily stratified in terms of caste, argues that village society is stratified on the basis of multiple criteria i.e. caste, class and power. According to him, not only caste system is hierarchical, but within caste, hierarchy is present.

In his study, of Brahmins of Sripuram, he finds out that they are largely divided into two types-Sri Vaishnevs and Smartha. Smartha are further divided into many segments like Ashta Charanam, Brihada Charanam, Vriheta Charanam, Pancharya Charanam etc., which can still be further divided into more sub-divisions. According to Beteille, caste is not the only factor responsible for social exclusion. Smarthas, besides these, many divisions and subdivisions are also categorised into three major types-upper class, middle class and lower.

Along with caste, poverty is also a major factor of social exclusion. Beteille also talks about the changing nature of caste, class and power in the hierarchical structure.

In the past, there was a strong correspondence between caste hierarchy, class hierarchy and power hierarchy i.e. brahmins were subjected to cumulative privileges as against shudras, who were subjected to complete seclusion and cumulative deprivation. However today, as a result of geographical mobility, western education, new occupational structure, process of modernisation and political factors, a dislinkage has occurred between the three. For example, political reservation has contributed to the rise of lower caste in political sphere.

M.M. Srinivas and Rajni Kothari also talk about politicization of caste. Today, caste has become an inseparable aspect of our politics. Selection of candidates, voting analysis, selection of legislative party leaders distribution of ministerial portfolios, etc. are very much done on the basis of caste.

M.N. Srinivas, making a distinction between caste at the ritual level and caste at the political level argues that caste at the ritual level is a smaller unit than caste at the political level.

Thus economic opportunity, administrative patronage and positions of power offered by the new institutions and the new leadership have completely changed the face of these three forces and how they work or are being worked on, on Indian soil. It is no longer a system based on ideology rather a matter of utility and convenience.

Answer : Louis Demont looks upon Indian society as caste society. According to him ideological basis of Hindu society is reflected through the caste system. This caste system in is totality based on the notion of purity and pollution. The relation between pure and impure is fundamental principle underlying the Hindu caste system. This principle is implicit in three predominat features of the caste system. According to Louis Demont caste system comprises a series of hereditary groups characterized by

1. hierarchy or gradations according to ritual status
2. mutual repulsion, implying rules governing contact ensuring their separation
3. division of labour.

Demont opined that purity and notion is clearly implicit in all the three attributes. This notion of pure and impure is the basis of division between superior and inferior castes. In India vegetarian castes have been placed above the non-vegetarian castes.

Among the vegetarians those who prohibit widow remarriage are superior to those who permit it. Similarly, among the non-vegetarians further differentiations have been established between the beef eaters and non-beef eaters and later further gradation have been made between those who eat only mutton, bird and who eat pig. This attributes of purity and pollution can be identified in the caste hierarchy existing between Brahmins and untouchables. But the precise determination of the highest and lowest among Brahmins and untouchables is conditioned by local interpretations of the pollution concept. He also considered that scavenging and beef eating make a caste group untouchable found everywhere in India. Hence caste hierarchy shows regional variations.

Louis Demont has considered that the inequality based on caste system is a special type of inequality found in India. According to L. Dumont due to this pollution and purity hierarchy in Indian society has remained static. He also pointed out that change has occurred in society but change of society is absent. This notion of caste is followed in every aspect of society like, match for marriage, sharing food, cultural identity and even in cooperation for common good particularly in situations of crisis. He also opined that there is no mobility in caste because it is defined by birth. But this perspective of L. Dumont on the caste system have been criticized by many scholars—

1. Commenting on this Andre Beteille has said that L. Demont sociology of caste is no less than Manusmrity because it simply narrates the caste system without mentioning mobility in it.
2. M.N. Srinivas also criticized Louis Demont view on caste. M.N. Srinivas by his theory of Sankritisation has shown dynamicity in Indian caste system. According to Srinivas caste status in Indian society cannot be considered stable in nature. Because there are examples that have been found in India which has shown mobility in the caste.
3. Several other sociologists also criticized the notion of purity and pollution as given by L. Dumont. They have argued that a vegetarian caste in some cases have been found below a non-vegetarian caste. It is also not clear how the various attributes of pollution combine together to form an unambiguous hierarchy of values etc.

Answer : Govind Sadashive Ghurye’s explanation on castes, evolution of influenced the Hindu culture etc. exhibit indological elements. But his writings are greatly influenced by historicity.

However, the indological position of G.S. Ghurye can be beet explained by his insights into the origin of caste in India. He believes that Aryans are the original inhabitants of India who evolved an unique culture and this culture was transmitted from one generation to another by great saints of India. Citing the illustration from Vedas, Smritis, Puranas, Upanishadas he indicated that how the great rishi like Bhardwaj, Gautam, Vashista, Vishwamitra, Patanjali etc. transmitted the value of hindu culture to different section of society. Brahmanic gotras got association with the hindu gods and goddess which led transformation of Brahman values into Hindu values.

He considered that Hindu values crystallized by different Indian saints and reached to the mind of masses. These masses disperse in different part of the country. He also opined that the great saints of India are also founder of different gotras. Explanation of these gotras subsequently gave rise to the origin as caste. Ghurye has considered that Sanskritic text indicated that during ancient times there was no difference between Aryans and Dasyus. Dasyus were not culturally derogatory groups but they were the groups have not accepted, Brahmanic Hindu ways of life. The process of acculturation of Hindu values for a long period of time brought different peripheral groups into the fold of Hinduism. Those groups divided occupations among themselves in a complementary manner consequently hierarchial division came into Indian society. He believes that Hindu religion, and Sanskrit language were the lifeline of integration of Indian society. He also contradicted to the colonial perceptions of India that considers, the dominant Brahmins are enforced their values and ideas on non-Aryan communities to exhibit their cultural domination. He also advocated that Hindu Brahmanic value through the process of acculturation reached to different groups in India and binded them into a single fold.

As an indologists he considered that religion and language has always been the source of unity in India. He also cites the textual evidence indicating that how Brahmanic and Sanskritic values got expansion into different parts of the country through different Hindu saints like Tukaram, Ramdas, Adi Sankaracharya. As an indologist he also contradicted the view of those scholars who believed that Indian nationalism only evolved during Mughal period with the rise of centralized state. He argued that India as a nation evolved since the Vedic period.

Answer : Concept of Hierarchy in Louis Dumont’s writing: A clear statement of acute attributes and the work there functions to create structures or patterns of interaction are found in the work of Dumont in his book, Home Hierarchicus. His major emphasis was on three attributes of castes: Hierarchy, separation and, division of Labour.

Influenced by French intellectual milieu of his time he views equality and inequality on contract concepts. He considers egalitarianism as value of West and hierarchy that of East.

He identifies hierarchy as eventual value underlying caste system supported by Hinduism. It not only ranks people differentially but also holds together this complex Indian society.

French Sociologist Dumont divided the world into two societies-East and West. It considers equality as the central feature of western society based no purity and hierarchy as the main characteristic of eastern society on the basis of impurity. The eastern, particularly the Indian society is based on two contradictory ideologies of purity and impurity.

To Dumont, purity and impurity are relative states and both are complement to each other. In other words, what is less impure is pure and what is less pure is impure. Both these elements create hierarchy in Indian society in which those are at the upper strata who are the less impure or the most pure and those who are the less pure or the most impure are at the lower rung.

There are two main kinds of impurity or pollution in Indian caste hierarchy. One kind is temporary and personal pollution to which everyone is subject daily; the most potent of them are contact with death and with bodily emissions such as blood and excreta. The other kind is that permanent and corporate pollution ascribed to all in castes, which is the main criterion in sorting out social order.

For him the underlying principle of caste system is principle of opposition of pure and impure. Pure is superior to impure and has to be kept separate. The whole is found on necessary and hierarchical coexistence of two opposites.

Hierarchy for him indicates gradation but not power and authority. It is the principle through which elements are ranked in relation to whole. Religion provides an understanding of the whole and thus ranking is basically religious in nature. Thus a kind of pure hierarchy develops with the Brahmins who personify purity and hence is superior. Unlike other international theorists he talks only about ritual hierarchy. For him secular hierarchy does not exist because hierarchy is religious in nature. For example, Jajmani system understood by many sociologists as economic arrangement is just a religious arrangement for Dumont.

Commercial transactions which denote organizations of caste system is also explained by concept of hierarchy. These rules are effectively related to ranking of caste, division of labour and idea of purity. Stratified interactions reveal the type of contacts avoided as impure. The gradation of food is linked up with clarification of individuals into groups and relationships between them.

Dumont’s concepts are also criticized as insensitive to history and characterizing Indian society as almost stagnant.

Answer : SNDP Movement: Sri Narayan Guru Dharma Paripalana Sabha (SNDP): The ideology of the movement was mainly formulated by Sri Narayana Guru Swamy. He transformed the outlook of his followers mainly Izhavas of Kerala, by giving them a programme action for their uplift, and encouraged the founding of an all Kerala Association the SNDP Yogam. The Izhavas form not only the majority of the backward classes but are also the single largest caste in Kerala. They were at the top of the category that polluted from distance. Thus there was not only touch pollution but also distance pollution, several civic disabilities followed the ritual ones. They were denied admission of the schools and were kept away from administrative jobs; their women were not allowed to use any upper garments to cover their breasts.

During the early days of British rule several things happened which roused Izhava consciousness to agitate against their low status and the discriminations against them. Tensions started building up, paying the way for a massive social movement, with a distinct ideology, led by charismatic and political leadership, all directed towards social transformation. A significant consequence of the breast-cloth controversy was the widespread social awakening of the community with regard to their rights.

Izhavas Perceived relative deprivation in the spheres of education, and recruitment to public services. Dr. Palpu assumed the leadership of fight the injustice done to the Izhavas in the fields of modern education and government employment. This was the first set of events which sparked off a mass movement. Dr. Palpu, was able to perceive the deprivation felt among the Izhavas and although he bought about a social awakening, for concerned action, with the intention of redressing them, he was unable to formulate ideology. This task was left to Sri Narayana Guru Swamy who transformed their outlook by giving them a new philosophy, religion, a code of conduct and a programme of action. This formed the basis of ideology of the SNDP movement and helped to establish an identity and in working out opposition groups. Swamy emerged as a charismatic leader in 1890s.

He was active as a Socio-religions reformer. He formulated his system of thought, oriented towards social Trans for motion and maintained the reformation of Hinduism was a necessary adjunct for the upliftment of the masses. His ideology was started in a cryptic form, as belief in one God, one religion and one caste. He made a direct attack on the caste system. He wanted his followers not to believe in differences based a caste, and to work for the abolition of the caste system. One of the programme of action, directed towards the achievement of this goal, was to promote commensally relations with the members of the lower castes.

Answer : There are two major impact of Muslim on Indian society that attract our attention. First, the changes which have occurred in the life of the Muslims because of the endogenous change within the tradition of Islam in India. Second, the interaction between Hinduism and Islam during its long history which has produced a composite culture.

The significant development in this respect took place in the early phase of Islamic expansion and its consolidation. It broadly happened between A.D. 1206-1818. It was an important period for several reasons as Yogendra Singh says, “It was not only marked with periods of conflict and tension but also led to many adaptations and cultural syncretism between the Hindu and the Islamic tradition.” A more stable co-existence of Islam with the Hindu and other traditions were the natural consequence of this interaction.

The emergence and growth of the various orders of the Sufi thought was the most significant development in this regard. Sufis were persons of deep devotion. Sufism was the teaching that identified God with the universe. Sufi's laid great emphasis on love as the link between God and individual. Some of the practices of the Sufis such as penance, fasting and holding the breath are traced to the Buddhist and Yogic influences. It is difficult to say with certainty whether Buddhist and Vedantic ideas influenced Sufism or the Sufi ideas cause out of the Qur‘an. What is important to note here is that there were many similarities in the ideas of the Sufis and the Hindu Yogis about the nature and relationship of God and the soul. This provided a basis for mutual tolerance and understanding.

Besides the Sufi tradition of Islam, there were other attempts to reconcile some aspects of the Hindu tradition with Islam. Among the Muslim rulers, Akbar’s attempt to introduce a synthetic cult called “Din-e-Ilahi” is well known. A synthesis of Upnishadic ideas with Islam was advocated by Dara Shikoh. However, it should be remembered that cultural co-existence was only one side of the story. A larger section of this tradition continued to develop on orthodox lines. The high-status groups enjoyed considerable influence under the Muslim rule and were actively involved in expansion of Islam. At the local regional level where that bulk of Muslims consisted of the converts from Hinduism a similar trend was visible. At this level Islamisation mean an upward social and cultural mobility among the converts to Islam. The desire for improvement in social status and corresponding increases in power and profit motivated lower castes to Islam. However, the large-scale conversion did not bring an automatic acceptance of their higher status either by the Hindus or by the Muslims.

Answer : Caste mobilisation in North India has been seen in the light of democratization. The process of democratization bestows political power and activity upon the groups which have numerical strength provided that strength could be politically mobilized, which is possible if the existential situation of the group as such is homogeneous and uniform. These conditions are fulfilled more in the case of lower or subaltern castes. Emergence of lower caste based political parties such as B.S.P., LOK Janshakti party, S.P., R.J.D. in north India are some good examples. This apart, launching of movement for more say in the political processes by numerically more powerful low castes in the form of anti-Brahmin movement mark out increasing politicisation of caste.

There is a strong tendency among people to vote for a candidate of one’s own caste. Political parties do not ignore this fact. They try their best to put up candidates belonging to the numerically largest castes of the constituency if other conditions remains same. That is why matching a candidates by another candidate of the same caste has been a common policy of political parties in elections.

Politicization of castes is so much that in order to be politically powerful distinct caste groups come together and act collectively. Their coming together sometimes take the form of a political party or a faction or a pressure group. B.S.P., S.P., R.J.D. are some of the examples.

Hence, the fact is the caste systems has always interacted with and responded to economic and political forces of society. Change in the economic and political structures and processes during the modern period have liquidated many traditional characteristics of the caste system and added new features and functions to it.

Answer : Like Hindu, the caste system or caste like hierarchy is found among the Muslims in India. A.K. Nazmal Karim, in his "Changing Society in India and Pakistan" (1953), has referred to four main caste groups like Hindu Varna system in the Muslim. These are Sayed, Mughal, Sheikh, and Pathan which are, according to Karim, counter parts of the Hindu four fold structure. This views of Karim has been supported by J.D. Cunningham who said that the Mohammedans in India divided themselves into four classes after the manner of the Hindus." Sir william Crooke believed that in theory atleast all Mussalmans, are brothers and can eat together, however, endogamy is the rule among certain tribes and caste, particularly in the case of those family which claim Arabic or persian lineage. There is nothing to prevent inter-marriage with stranger. Karim has pointed out that the Muslim population in Bengal who are organised more or less like the Hindu caste are similar in many respect to the Hindus. Dr. Ghaus Ansari enumerates the Muslim caste in Uttar Pradesh : (1) Ashraf (Sayed, Sheikh, Mughal and Pathan). (ii) Muslim Rajput (iii) clean occupational castes, Julaha (Weaver), Darzi (tailer) Qussai (butcher), Nai or Hajjam (barber), Kabariya or Kujra (green/grocer), Mirasi (musician), Kumhar (potter), Manihar (bracelet maker), Dhuniya (Cotton-carder), Fakir (Oil presser), Dhobi (Washerman), Gaddi (Grazier or milkman) and (iv) Unclean-caste (Bhangi).

Answer : In India under caste system, it was almost an accepted fact that occupation of the father will be followed by the son. There was therefore, no occupational diversification. The social structure was based on immobility of occupations. The Brahmins were to impart education, Kshatriyas to fight, Vaishyas to trade and the Shudras to do other jobs. All this served its purpose for a long time and as long as the economy was simple, the people, tradition ridden and outlook, narrow.

But as the time passed outlook of the people changed. Their outlook widened and they thought of adopting new occupations. Those who got higher education and technical and other qualifications joined the occupations which suited their qualifications, no matter whether these were of their parents or not. Similarly those who could amass wealth began to trade both inside and outside the country irrespective of the fact whether their parents were traders or not. The high caste Brahmins in many cases found that they should work in factories and other establishments at even low jobs to make both ends meet. In some cases they even became cooks of the rich people. The low caste people also gave up, as and when they found an opportunity, their dirty work and instead adopted good professions.

There was, therefore, wide occupational diversity. For the spread of education, contacts with the people, quick means of transportation and communication etc. were responsible.

Occupational diversification very much affected traditional social structure. The low castes who could start healthy and good occupations began to be socially respected. Those who could manage to get high jobs, were invited by their subordinates to their own residences, by the so called high caste people. The people belonging to all castes began to freely mix with each other and thus caste rigidly became less. Some of the high caste people did not mind marrying their sons and daughters with the low caste but highly placed people. In this way inter-caste marriages started. Not only this, but one effect was that new sub-castes came into existence. These were the result of the marriages of high caste with low caste and inter caste marriages.

Diversification of occupations implied occupational mobility. It could be possible only when there were chances of entering into other fields. Obviously those chances could be only where the people who diversified left their families and places. They came to their native place after a very long time. They lived away from their kith and kin. Thus their love for their near and dear ones much reduced. They developed new relationships with the people near them. They were close to them rather them their dear ones who were away from them. Being away from their homes, their approach and outlook to the whole social system changed. In fact whole social structure came under heavy strains. Caste marriage, religion, family and traditions all came under strains. Those who could manage to enter the new occupations and that too successfully, found that their life partners were not helping them in new efforts. They therefore, thought of dissolving marriage partnership, if that was possible. If that was not found feasible, they began to under estimate the value of marriage. Family relations got worsened. The women then began to lead a miserable life. No less was the problem with religion. The hold of religion over the people very much reduced. Religion began to be characterized as blind faithful of irrational superstitions and so on. The tradition which had found the society for a very long time were broken. The very fact that the people decided to join a profession which was not of their ancestors was in itself a proof of the fact that the traditions were being underestimated. Thus occupational mobility and diversification of occupations in India very much affected social structure and continues to affect that even now.

Answer : M.N. Srinivas developed the concept of dominant caste on the basis of his long continued study in Rampura village in his paper entitled, Dominant caste in Rampura’. According to him, a feature of rural life in many parts of India is the existence of dominant land owning caste. For a caste to be dominant, it should own a sizable amount of the arable land locally available, have strength of numbers and occupy a high place in local hierarchy. When caste has all the attributes of dominance, it may be said to enjoy decisive dominance. Occasionally there may be one dominant caste in a village. Thus, according to him, a caste may be said to be dominant when it preponderates numerically over the other castes and when it also wields power. Preponderant caste group can be most easily dominant if its position in local caste hierarchy is not too low.

Srinivas, in the light of caste ethnography in Rampura, suggests that the peasants in Rampura enjoy all the elements of dominance. The identification of the dominant caste gives a better understanding of the features of rural social organization, as the council of the dominant tries to create a structure of authority within each group it has to deal with. The dominant caste plays a very important role in the settlement of disputes, which are settled by the traditional village and caste council and not by modern statutory Panchayat. A caste council usually has jurisdiction over all the castes living in a village. The leaders of dominant caste not only settle disputes between members of different caste, but are also frequently approached by non-dominant castes for settlement of their inter-caste and even domestic disputes.

According to Srinivas, there are four factors related to dominant caste. They are: numerical strength, control of resources, i.e., land, possession of political power, and socio-religious status. New factors affecting dominance have emerged in the last eighty years or so. Western education, jobs in the administration, and urban sources of income are all significant in contributing to the prestige and power of particular caste groups in the village. The introduction of adult franchise and Panchayatiraj (local self government at village, tahsil and district level) since independence has resulted in giving a new sense of self respect and power to low castes, particularly Harijans, who enjoy reservation of seats in all elected bodies from village to union parliament. The long term implications of these changes are probably even more important, especially in those villages where there are enough Harijans to sway the local balance of power one way or the other. In the traditional system, it was possible for a small number of people belonging to high caste to wield authority over the entire village, when they owned a large quantity of arable land and had a high ritual position. Now, however, in many parts of rural India, power has passed into hands of numerically large land owning peasant castes, it is likely to remain with them for some time, except in villages where Harijans are numerically strong and are also taking advantages of the new educational and other opportunities available to them. Endemic factionalism in the dominant caste is also another threat to its continued enjoyment of power.

No longer is dominance a purely local matter in rural India. A caste group which has only a family or two in particular village, but which enjoys decisive dominance in the wider region, will still count locally, because of the net work of ties binding it to its dominant relatives what is equally important is that others in the village will be aware of the existence of this net work. Countrywise, a caste, which enjoys dominance in only one village, will find that it has to reckon with the caste which enjoys regional dominance.

S.C. Dubey and B.K. Roy Burman have disagreed with Srinivas over his concept of dominant caste. S.C. Dubey holds that instead of any caste group, an individual dominates in the society. He is of opinion that power remains concentrated in a few individuals rather than diffused in the caste. Roy Burman has used the concept of dominant communities in place of Srinivas’ concept of dominant caste. According to him, the dominant communities have several dimensions, such as control over resources, social status, maintenance of law etc.

Answer : Brahmins constitute a large segment of the population of India. They occupy top-notch status in the social, economic and political life of the country. Traditionally, they have been dominating over the Indian society. The regional distribution of Brahmin population is disparate. They are living in almost all regions, parts and states of the country. The Brahmin community in India is not a homogeneous social group, the inequality and differentiation may be traced among them. In terms of sanctity, ritual purity and pollution and in maintaining the traditional Brahmanic assignment, the South India Brahmins are very forward. They are vegetarian and take more interest in ritualism. Economically, they are also advanced because they are fore-runners of the modern, technical and professional education. Most of the north-Indian Brahmins are non-vegetarian and maintain the norms of purity and pollution and ritualism in a flexible way. The widspread poverty may be traced among the Maithil Brahmin of north Bihar on the other hand Brahmins of Punjab and Bengal are relatively advanced in higher education. There is no political unity among the Brahmins. They are more or less equally affiliated to the major national and regional political parties. But they have been continuously dominating in the mainstream politics of India. There is the lack of association or organisation among them at the national and regional level.

Answer : The notions of purity and pollution is inherent in the Hindu social organisation. Under the Varna system. The so-called Shudra was considered as the untouchable. An untouchable caste many not touch the Dwija and even their shadow may pollute the higher castes. They also may not enter into the temple, use tubewell and ponds etc. A Nayar is an untouchable of Kerala and had to keep a distance of seventy four to one hundred feet from a local Brahmin.

There are two kinds of events, birth and death that radiate pollution not only through contact or presence but also through kinship bonds. In all jati, the “happy” pollution of birth falls on smaller grouping of kinsmen and for a shorter period than does death seclusion. The members of dead person’s family become ritually and socially incapacitated from the very moment of his death. They must remain in seclusion and undergo purificatory ritual over a time and in a manner prescribed by the custom of their jati.

Purity is precarious while pollution is sure. It is non-transferable while pollution is highly contagious. A Brahmin in a state of high purity cannot transmit his purity to anyone, but he can be defiled by almost everyone. Only in a very few context can ritual merit be transmitted. One such context, is when a man performs certain rites before the high gods. His life cannot directly participate in them. She stands by her husband, touching him, and so derives merits through him.

Purity is a more relative condition than pollution. An untochable can make himself pure for his own worship; he can never become pure enough so that an orthodox Havik Brahmin, say, will worship side by side with him. Dumont has remarked, “We must discard the reassuring but unjustified expression of normal ritual status. Normal ritual status which is mildly impure is really outside the realm of hierarchy of the pure and impure in the context of caste system in India. The ritual bath could eliminate such impurity.

The relevance of purity and pollution in the traditional caste system was of the paramount importance. The social interaction, rituals, jajmani relation etc. were guided and charged by the rules of purity and pollution. The violation of these rules resulted in severe punishment to the untouchable castes and the higher caste had to perform purificatory right. This shows the rigidity of the caste system. It denotes the hierarchical system of caste. Those who are at the lowest level of hierarchy are considered more polluting or impure caste. Caste-system refers to the unequal distribution of prestige, power and rewards in the society. It also points out the high degree of social inequality.

All the castes, particularly Brahmin and Rajput dominated over the untouchable castes. This traditional domination is directly manifested in the notion of purity and pollution. After independence, Untouchability Offence Act (1955) was adopted and under Article 17, the practices of untouchability was banned. Now, with the spread of modern values, democratic polity and secularism, its practices has been largely eliminated. The protective discrimination policy and the reservation policy of the Govt. has also boosted up the status of untouchable castes.

Thus, to conclude, it may be said that the notion of purity and pollution is the guiding force of the Hindu-caste system. The entire socio-economic and political relations between the two or among castes were based on this concept. This also manifests the social, economic and political exploitation of the untouchable castes. But now, with the emergence of politiciation of the caste, the so called untouchables are gradually gaining political power by joning caste-based political party. The violation of Harijan Act or any prejudice and discrimination against the untouchable are punishable. M. N. Srinivas has called them “Sanskritised caste”. Thus, with the change in the caste system, the concept of purity and pollution has also been rationalised.

Answer : In the present time, two diamensional changes are taking place in the caste-politics nexus, first the caste is entering into the politics and second politics is entering into the caste system. Anil Bhatt, on the basis of his study in U.P., Gujarat, West Bengal and Andhra Pradesh found that the higher cates had more interest than the middle and the lower caste. He did not find any relationship between caste status and identification with political parties. He found that some high castes are politically influential while the middle and the low caste dominate only in few villages. Rajni Kothari (1970) broadly studied the present relation between caste and politics which he has summarised as follows:

1. The caste identification has given a new relevance to electorate system. It is not only the large castes which affect politics but also the smaller castes which have become important in seeking votes.
2. The castes have started functioning on functional basis. These functions divide not only political groups but also social groups.
3. Castes have assumed new organisational form. Firstly, caste associations are now functioning at various levels such as universities, hostels, clubs, government offices and so forth, secondly caste conferences have become broad based and thirdly caste federation have emerged.
4. The new elite structure has emerged in politics which is drawn from different castes but shares a common secular outlook and is homogeneous in term of some values.
5. Lindzey Gardner, Miller, Campbell, Rajni Kothari etc have referred to caste as a voting determinant. The lower the social and economic status of a caste, the higher the importance of vote.

Answer : Theoretically, caste as a system of social organisation has no place in Christianity, but practically it is not so among Indian Christians. Jacob and Dube argue that the sect wise division among the christian is in harmony with caste division. They identify at least four caste group among the Christians in Kerala. These groups are hierarchically organised and at the top are Syrian Christians. They are originally descendants of local upper caste (Namboodri Brahmins) who were converted to Christianity by St. Thomas. Next group in the hierarchy is the Latin Catholics. They are inferior to the Syrians. But they claim to be original Syrians who were absorbed into the Latin rites during Portuguese times. Presently, they constitute the other Backward Classes in Kerala. Neo-Christians or 'Puthukristianikal come third in the hierarchy. They are originally Dalit's and the product of conversion movements to escape oppression under the Hindu Society. This caste also involves the tribal converts and Christians of Shundra origin such as Nadar Christian of Tamil Nadu and Kerala. The fourth and the last one are Knanaya Christians or the Southists. They claim racial purity over the Northists who are descendants of Namboodri Brahmins.

These divisions of the Indian Christians follow almost all the practices that are associated with Hindu caste system. The membership of each division is hereditary and unalterable. The groups are arranged in a hierarchy of increasing power and prestige with the southists at the bottom and the Syrians at the top or in other words their pre-conversion ranks are intact. They practice endogamy. The neo-Christians live in separate cluster of quarters and are segregated. Even there exists segregation in church worship.

However, there is a slight difference among Christians and Hindus in the sense that there exists no religious or ideological sanction among the Christians for such type of divisions, while among the Hindus it is there.

Answer : Generally it is believed that the traditional caste system was a closed system. The report of the Indian Statutory Commission (1930) states, “Every Hindu necessarily belongs to the caste of his parents and in that caste he inevitably remains.” No accumulation of wealth, no exercise of talent can alter his caste status and marriage outside his caste is prohibited or severely discouraged". However, this was found to be a common sense and not a sociological reality. Study by Srinivas and others revealed that caste was never absolutely closed.

The means of mobility in the traditional caste system, according to Srinivas, was the process of Sanskritisation. Sanskritisation in the words of Srinivas is "a process by which a 'low' Hindu caste or a tribal or other group, changes its customs, ritual, ideology, and way of life in the direction of a high and frequently 'twice-born' caste". This process resulted in positional change of the caste within the caste system. Higher status or upward mobility of the whole caste group was achieved. We have many instances of sanskritisation throughout the history of India. Historians point out that various invading groups and aboriginal population were assimilated according to their social position in the appropriate hierarchy of caste. Invading rulers became Kshatriyas and powerful trading groups became Vaisyas and so on.

Besides Sanskritisation, there were other means of social mobility. D.F. Pocock mentions one as kshatriyaisation. According to Pocock in some instances people imitated the model of the king rather than that of Brahmin. The historical evidence of this is provided by the historians K. M. Pannikar and others. They hold that during the last two thousand years of Indian history, there has been no caste of true Kshatriyas. Nanda dynasty ruling in 5th century BC was the last dynasty of the Kshatriyas. After that the low caste claimed themselves as Kshatriyas after ruling over a patch of land by military skill and political power. Thus, through this means also many groups staked claim to higher status and improved their position in the caste hierarchy.

However, analytically Kshatriya­isation makes the part of the more holistic process of Sanskritisation. Srinivas conceived the process of Sanskritisation involving 'twice-born' caste as model and not Brahmins as model for imitation by low caste or tribals. We can take Kshatriyaisation as the specific instance of Sanskr­itisation.

The form of social mobility in contemporary Indian society differs fundamentally from that of traditional society. Sanskritisation as a channel for upward social mobility still exists but there are cases of resistance and protest against this process also. Srivastava noted emphasis on sub-cultural identity and rejection of cultural form of the upper caste derived from the higher traditions. Such process of deliberate reaction against Sanskritisation is called de-sanskritisation.

Besides Sanskritisation, new channels for mobility has come up in modern India. They are west­erni­sation, Elite Emulation, etc. Westerni­sation refers to "changes brought about in Indian society and culture as a result of over 150 years of British rule, the term subsuming changes occurring at different levels ... technology, institutions, ideology and values". The caste groups like Brahmins, Baniyas, Aroras, Chettiars, Kayasthas etc. made full use of this process and acquired higher status in the contemporary Indian society.

We can also note that today the unit of mobility is individual rather than the whole caste group. The rate of mobility has also become fast. Earlier it took generations to raise status in caste hierarchy. When a caste group claimed higher position, it had to wait a few generation till the claim was accepted by others and legitimised. The fast rate of mobility in contemporary society is given to the change in structure and culture of modern society. While rigidity and static made the remarkable feature of that society, changes and fast change are the basis of this society.

We can also see that caste as a reference point of mobility has lost importance. Alternative of class as a reference point has emerged. One aspires to belong to higher class, rather than higher caste.

In the contemporary society, we can also note the forms of mobility like horizontal mobility in which a labourer migrates from village to urban centres to work as a construction worker or intragenerational mobility in which a person with his hard work and determination leaps towards higher status.

These developments sum the form of social mobility in contemporary Indian society.

Answer : The term "Social Justice", in the Indian context, chiefly refers to the social, economic, political, educational and religious justice to the backward sections, caste and groups of society. In the traditional Indian society the socio-economic rewards have been unequally distributed under the Varna and caste systems. The Sudra which is now represented by the SC and OBC, and lower castes are still relatively deprived from due opportunity and rights and social prestige and status. They are the poor people. They have been always discriminated and exploited by the upper class or dominated group. To overcome these various problem B.R. Ambedkar advocated the concept of Social Justice while the constitution of India was framed. In the Constitution, special provisions and opportunities were provided to them so that they may uplift their status. The policy of reservation and Mandal Commission is a part of it. Except these Constitutional provisions, the concept of Social Justice is also closely associated with the various socio-religious reform movements such as Brahmo Samaj, Arya Samaj, SNDP, Self- Respect etc. The equality of opportunity and the concept of ensuring egalitarian social order are the basic elements of social justice.

Answer : Under the socio-religious movement and after independence, several caste associations have been formed which are playing significant roles in the upliftment of the status of SC and OBC. First, in 1932, the father of the nation, Mahatma Gandhi formed the "All Indian Harijan Sangh" under which the untouchability was frequently opposed. Baba Saheb Ambedkar who had experienced the worst form of castiest discrimination during his childhood, fought against upper caste throughout his life. He organised the "All India Scheduled Caste Federation", while several other leaders of the depressed classes founded the "All India Depressed classes Association". In 1900s, Maharaja of Kolhapur encouraged the non-Brahmin movement which spread to the southern states and was joined by Kammas, Reddis and Vellals and the Muslims. During 1920s, in South India, non-Brahmin organised the Self-Respect movement led by E.V. Ramaswami Naicker. Sri Narayan Guru in Kerala led a lifelong struggle against upper caste domination. He coined the slogan " One religion, One caste, one God for mankind". In Bihar, the M.C.C. is chiefly associated with the suppressed class against the upper caste landlords which often clashes with the Ranbir Sena, a upper caste army, chiefly rajput and Bhumihar's association. These caste associations have, to a great extent, realised the status of the concerned group but it is often result in mutual conflict in the society.

Answer : The Dalit consciousness refers to the consciousness of Schedule Caste and Other Backward Castes to their due social-economic, political and religious rights and status in the society. With the establishment of the British rule and spread of the modern humanistic ideas, new awareness had developed in India against the oppressive nature of caste movement. The activities of Christian missionaries to win converts among lower castes and various socio-religious reform movements among Hindu further contributed to the growth of awareness among the lower caste against Brahmanical domination and oppressive nature of caste system. This led to the various backward class movement in early 20th century. Some of the important movements are; Dravidian movement, SNDP movement, Mahar movement etc. The Dalit consciousness has also manifested in the emergence of regional politics and parties in India. The DMK, BSP, RJD etc. are closely associated with sentiments of Dalits. Dalits have also constituted several associations and lobbies to fight against their exploitation. Educational upliftment, modernisation, policies of Govt., constitutional legislations etc., have also contributed a lot in Dalit consciousness.

Answer : In the present or modern India, the traditional structure and function of caste have greatly changed and some new dimensional change has occurred in it. Caste and politics, caste and class, schedule caste and other backwards caste, sanskritization etc. are the connotation which are used in the context of caste. In the traditional society the cast is viewed in terms of ritual purity, pollution, and function. Under the Varna system of stratification, different Varna and castes were assigned variegated duties. A low Varna or Sudra was considered impure and if they touched a 'Dwija' which consists Vaishya, Rajnaya and Brahmin, the latter will be considered impure. They will have to perform several sacred rituals like sprinkling of Gangajal etc. and then they will be purified. In the Constitution of India, Article-17 consists of the provisions regarding the untouchability. Article 25 prohibits any form of religious disabilities on the ground of religion, language etc. Under the traditional system, a lower caste particularly untouchable, was not allowed to enter into the Hindu temple, public places, wells, hotel etc. But the various social movements such as self-respect and SNDP movement fought against these disabilities and enabled the lower castes to avail these facilities.

The another area which has become weaker is the function of various caste groups. Due to social mobility, various impact and change, the traditional function of caste or varna have changed greatly. The various case studies conducted by sociologists argue that the lower castes or Shudras are rapidly giving up their traditional occupation and adopt to the changing world. Now, they are not bound to do the assigned job. There may be some social bounding on them in spite of provisions. In the rural areas, these bounding to traditional profession is rather more intense than the urban areas. Examples may be cited of Izava, Okkaliga, Noniyans, Chamar, Dhobi, etc. who are gradually delinking themselves from their traditional occupation. The relevance of Jajmani system is rapidly diminishing in the villages. Now the Kamin is not bound to provide service to the Jajman.

At the same time, the casteism is becoming very stronger in the modern India because of its affiliation to the politics. Caste is considered as the vote bank of the political parties. The emergence of regional and national parties mostly mobilise people on the grounds of caste, and religion. This is promoting casteism. In the selection of candidates and framing the ideology of the parties, the caste based ideology may be traced. Secondly the high socio-economic disparity between the lower castes and upper castes provide the former the unification against the latter. This is the reason of the emergence of various caste associations in our country.

The factors of change in the structural and functional aspects of caste system are industrialization, modernization, secularism, Constitutional provisions, education, impact of western culture, democratic political system etc. These factors have promoted social mobility, especially upward social mobility among the traditionally lower castes. The type of upward mobility in which a lower caste claims equal social status in terms of 'Dwija' is termed by late M.N. Srinivas as 'Sanskritization' while the others have termed it 'elite emulation'. They are grabbing more opportunities, economic wealth, power etc. which are the basis of ranking in the modern industrial society. Thus, the traditional caste structure is transforming into class-like social group. The class is open and anybody can enter into it by fulfilling some standard norms. The traditional bondage of exogamy or endogamy marriage, anuloma and pratiloma vivah are frequently practised in India. The people's life is mostly governed and guided by the scientific temperament, rationality and secular values.

Conclusion : Though caste system has greatly changed at structural and functional level, it is still affecting social life in its changed form. The basic instincts which are inherited by the tradition and family by birth cannot be totally eliminated. Thus, the occurrences of caste prejudices and conflict are more frequent. Thirdly, the political parties especially, regional are greatly strengthening the casteism for their own sake. The governmental efforts have no doubt proved useful, but it requires social consciousness. In fact, the objective consideration on caste may be still proved functional for the society. The continuity and change is natural and due, but the complete abolition of system may result in social upheavals and chaos.

Answer : Caste, in the ancient time was relatively open system. It was primarily an occupational division of labour rather than a rigid system of stratification. Thus, inter-caste mobility was quite common and inter-caste marriage took place frequently. According to K.M. Panniker since the fifth century B.C. every known royal family has come from non-Kshatriya caste. Historians believe that Maurya was of the Shudra origin and Gupta were perhaps the Vaishya, while Satvahana claimed themselves to be Brahamin. The group belonging to different caste could come to acquire political power and after successfully capturing political power they could also acquire the Kshatriya status, whereby new genealogies were created tracing their decent from solar and lunar dynasties. Thus, since ancient time the most effective way to raise the caste-system was the acquisition of territory either through conquest or occupancy. M.N. Srinivas refers to the former method as mobility through resort or warfare". The rise and fall of various dynasties in India involve social mobility. For example around the 8th century A.D., Rajput captured political power in various parts of northern India and acquired the Kshatriya status for themselves. Originally, Rajput were of the tribal origin belonging to Huna and Saka tribes which had migrated and settled down in India. In the medieval India, the avenues of mobility came into existence due to urbanization, administrative occupation etc. M.N. Srinivas studied the Rampura village of Coorg and found positional change in the status of lower caste which he termed sanskritization.