Question : Caste and Occupational Mobility.
(1994)
Answer : In the modern industrial society caste and occupational mobility is rapidly increasing because of social change. In the traditional Indian society, under the Varna system, each caste or varna has been assigned a particular type of occupation which others are prohibited to do. For example, a Brahamin cannot involve in trade and commerce of society and so on. But evidence have been found that the occupational change in the various castes have occurred as the social change in the society has offered it. O.M. Lynch has remarked that in the process of sanskritization, the lower caste come to acquire wealth and abandon their earlier polluting occupation. William Rowe studied the Noniya of Senapur village in Eastern UP and found that, now Noniya is claiming the rajput's status by giving up their traditional occupation of salt making. The Kanvis of Gujarat, studied by Pocock, have similarly improved their status by changing their occupation. The chamars or leather worker in northern India have given up working at certain place or retrieving dead animal for Jajman. Balas in Rajsthan have given up making shoes. Under the constitution various lower castes have been given special opportunity. Now they are free to choose any occupation and job. As a result of it, they are, now occupying key positions in education, administration, politics and other spheres. Thus, the nature of occupational mobility among the castes is of vertical and upward in nature especially among the untouchable and backward castes. On the other hand, among the upper caste, the nature of occupational mobility is relatively downward. The process, of sanskritization and modernisation are rapidly altering the traditional occupational structure of Indian society.
Question : Cultural and structural aspect of caste.
(1994)
Answer : The cultural and structural aspect of the caste are the two sides of the same coin. However, some sociologists believe that the caste system can be better understood if approached and analysed in terms of ideas, norms and values associated with caste system. This has come to be known as cultural view about caste. Similarly there are other sociologist who believe the dynamic of the caste system can be better understood if analysed in terms of structural aspect of the caste system. This has given rise to structural view about caste. According to Prof. Yogendra Singh, each of these views can be further divided into two categories in terms of their universalistic orientation. Universalistic orientation means that caste system is regarded as just another manifestation of universal phenomena of social stratification. On the other hand, particularistic orientation means that the caste system is viewed as a system of stratification which is unique to Indian society. Thus, the views about caste system can be classified into four categories viz. (i) cultural universalistic (ii) cultural particularistic (iii) structural universalistic (iv) structural particularistic.
Question : Concept of Hierarchy in Louis Dumont’s writing.
(2008)
Answer : Concept of Hierarchy in Louis Dumont’s writing: A clear statement of acute attributes and the work there functions to create structures or patterns of interaction are found in the work of Dumont in his book, Home Hierarchicus. His major emphasis was on three attributes of castes: Hierarchy, separation and, division of Labour.
Influenced by French intellectual milieu of his time he views equality and inequality on contract concepts. He considers egalitarianism as value of West and hierarchy that of East.
He identifies hierarchy as eventual value underlying caste system supported by Hinduism. It not only ranks people differentially but also holds together this complex Indian society.
French Sociologist Dumont divided the world into two societies-East and West. It considers equality as the central feature of western society based no purity and hierarchy as the main characteristic of eastern society on the basis of impurity. The eastern, particularly the Indian society is based on two contradictory ideologies of purity and impurity.
To Dumont, purity and impurity are relative states and both are complement to each other. In other words, what is less impure is pure and what is less pure is impure. Both these elements create hierarchy in Indian society in which those are at the upper strata who are the less impure or the most pure and those who are the less pure or the most impure are at the lower rung.
There are two main kinds of impurity or pollution in Indian caste hierarchy. One kind is temporary and personal pollution to which everyone is subject daily; the most potent of them are contact with death and with bodily emissions such as blood and excreta. The other kind is that permanent and corporate pollution ascribed to all in castes, which is the main criterion in sorting out social order.
For him the underlying principle of caste system is principle of opposition of pure and impure. Pure is superior to impure and has to be kept separate. The whole is found on necessary and hierarchical coexistence of two opposites.
Hierarchy for him indicates gradation but not power and authority. It is the principle through which elements are ranked in relation to whole. Religion provides an understanding of the whole and thus ranking is basically religious in nature. Thus a kind of pure hierarchy develops with the Brahmins who personify purity and hence is superior. Unlike other international theorists he talks only about ritual hierarchy. For him secular hierarchy does not exist because hierarchy is religious in nature. For example, Jajmani system understood by many sociologists as economic arrangement is just a religious arrangement for Dumont.
Commercial transactions which denote organizations of caste system is also explained by concept of hierarchy. These rules are effectively related to ranking of caste, division of labour and idea of purity. Stratified interactions reveal the type of contacts avoided as impure. The gradation of food is linked up with clarification of individuals into groups and relationships between them.
Dumont’s concepts are also criticized as insensitive to history and characterizing Indian society as almost stagnant.
Question : SNDP Movement
(2008)
Answer : SNDP Movement: Sri Narayan Guru Dharma Paripalana Sabha (SNDP): The ideology of the movement was mainly formulated by Sri Narayana Guru Swamy. He transformed the outlook of his followers mainly Izhavas of Kerala, by giving them a programme action for their uplift, and encouraged the founding of an all Kerala Association the SNDP Yogam. The Izhavas form not only the majority of the backward classes but are also the single largest caste in Kerala. They were at the top of the category that polluted from distance. Thus there was not only touch pollution but also distance pollution, several civic disabilities followed the ritual ones. They were denied admission of the schools and were kept away from administrative jobs; their women were not allowed to use any upper garments to cover their breasts.
During the early days of British rule several things happened which roused Izhava consciousness to agitate against their low status and the discriminations against them. Tensions started building up, paying the way for a massive social movement, with a distinct ideology, led by charismatic and political leadership, all directed towards social transformation. A significant consequence of the breast-cloth controversy was the widespread social awakening of the community with regard to their rights.
Izhavas Perceived relative deprivation in the spheres of education, and recruitment to public services. Dr. Palpu assumed the leadership of fight the injustice done to the Izhavas in the fields of modern education and government employment. This was the first set of events which sparked off a mass movement. Dr. Palpu, was able to perceive the deprivation felt among the Izhavas and although he bought about a social awakening, for concerned action, with the intention of redressing them, he was unable to formulate ideology. This task was left to Sri Narayana Guru Swamy who transformed their outlook by giving them a new philosophy, religion, a code of conduct and a programme of action. This formed the basis of ideology of the SNDP movement and helped to establish an identity and in working out opposition groups. Swamy emerged as a charismatic leader in 1890s.
He was active as a Socio-religions reformer. He formulated his system of thought, oriented towards social Trans for motion and maintained the reformation of Hinduism was a necessary adjunct for the upliftment of the masses. His ideology was started in a cryptic form, as belief in one God, one religion and one caste. He made a direct attack on the caste system. He wanted his followers not to believe in differences based a caste, and to work for the abolition of the caste system. One of the programme of action, directed towards the achievement of this goal, was to promote commensally relations with the members of the lower castes.
Swamy simplified the religions and domestic rituals to reduce the cost and it gave marriage a new symbolic significance. He advocated monogamy. In order to make the religious changes effective, he created a set of religions institutions. He brought about a high degree of identity among the Izhavas. There are one hundred temples today, about one hundred shrines devoted to the worship of Swamy and seventeen mathas and several ashramas. He gave women equal religious rights which were the only basis of religions conversion, without which the basic inequalities and suffering could not be fought. Thus he laid supreme emphasis on spiritual strength with a view to going self-respect and esteem.Question : Caste mobilisation in North India
(2004)
Answer : Caste mobilisation in North India has been seen in the light of democratization. The process of democratization bestows political power and activity upon the groups which have numerical strength provided that strength could be politically mobilized, which is possible if the existential situation of the group as such is homogeneous and uniform. These conditions are fulfilled more in the case of lower or subaltern castes. Emergence of lower caste based political parties such as B.S.P., LOK Janshakti party, S.P., R.J.D. in north India are some good examples. This apart, launching of movement for more say in the political processes by numerically more powerful low castes in the form of anti-Brahmin movement mark out increasing politicisation of caste.
There is a strong tendency among people to vote for a candidate of one’s own caste. Political parties do not ignore this fact. They try their best to put up candidates belonging to the numerically largest castes of the constituency if other conditions remains same. That is why matching a candidates by another candidate of the same caste has been a common policy of political parties in elections.
Politicization of castes is so much that in order to be politically powerful distinct caste groups come together and act collectively. Their coming together sometimes take the form of a political party or a faction or a pressure group. B.S.P., S.P., R.J.D. are some of the examples.
Hence, the fact is the caste systems has always interacted with and responded to economic and political forces of society. Change in the economic and political structures and processes during the modern period have liquidated many traditional characteristics of the caste system and added new features and functions to it.
Question : Impact of Muslims on Indian Society
(2004)
Answer : There are two major impact of Muslim on Indian society that attract our attention. First, the changes which have occurred in the life of the Muslims because of the endogenous change within the tradition of Islam in India. Second, the interaction between Hinduism and Islam during its long history which has produced a composite culture.
The significant development in this respect took place in the early phase of Islamic expansion and its consolidation. It broadly happened between A.D. 1206-1818. It was an important period for several reasons as Yogendra Singh says, “It was not only marked with periods of conflict and tension but also led to many adaptations and cultural syncretism between the Hindu and the Islamic tradition.” A more stable co-existence of Islam with the Hindu and other traditions were the natural consequence of this interaction.
The emergence and growth of the various orders of the Sufi thought was the most significant development in this regard. Sufis were persons of deep devotion. Sufism was the teaching that identified God with the universe. Sufi's laid great emphasis on love as the link between God and individual. Some of the practices of the Sufis such as penance, fasting and holding the breath are traced to the Buddhist and Yogic influences. It is difficult to say with certainty whether Buddhist and Vedantic ideas influenced Sufism or the Sufi ideas cause out of the Qur‘an. What is important to note here is that there were many similarities in the ideas of the Sufis and the Hindu Yogis about the nature and relationship of God and the soul. This provided a basis for mutual tolerance and understanding.
Besides the Sufi tradition of Islam, there were other attempts to reconcile some aspects of the Hindu tradition with Islam. Among the Muslim rulers, Akbar’s attempt to introduce a synthetic cult called “Din-e-Ilahi” is well known. A synthesis of Upnishadic ideas with Islam was advocated by Dara Shikoh. However, it should be remembered that cultural co-existence was only one side of the story. A larger section of this tradition continued to develop on orthodox lines. The high-status groups enjoyed considerable influence under the Muslim rule and were actively involved in expansion of Islam. At the local regional level where that bulk of Muslims consisted of the converts from Hinduism a similar trend was visible. At this level Islamisation mean an upward social and cultural mobility among the converts to Islam. The desire for improvement in social status and corresponding increases in power and profit motivated lower castes to Islam. However, the large-scale conversion did not bring an automatic acceptance of their higher status either by the Hindus or by the Muslims.
Question : Describe the characteristics of dominant caste. Discuss its role in village politics in India.
(2003)
Answer : M.N. Srinivas developed the concept of dominant caste on the basis of his long continued study in Rampura village in his paper entitled, Dominant caste in Rampura’. According to him, a feature of rural life in many parts of India is the existence of dominant land owning caste. For a caste to be dominant, it should own a sizable amount of the arable land locally available, have strength of numbers and occupy a high place in local hierarchy. When caste has all the attributes of dominance, it may be said to enjoy decisive dominance. Occasionally there may be one dominant caste in a village. Thus, according to him, a caste may be said to be dominant when it preponderates numerically over the other castes and when it also wields power. Preponderant caste group can be most easily dominant if its position in local caste hierarchy is not too low.
Srinivas, in the light of caste ethnography in Rampura, suggests that the peasants in Rampura enjoy all the elements of dominance. The identification of the dominant caste gives a better understanding of the features of rural social organization, as the council of the dominant tries to create a structure of authority within each group it has to deal with. The dominant caste plays a very important role in the settlement of disputes, which are settled by the traditional village and caste council and not by modern statutory Panchayat. A caste council usually has jurisdiction over all the castes living in a village. The leaders of dominant caste not only settle disputes between members of different caste, but are also frequently approached by non-dominant castes for settlement of their inter-caste and even domestic disputes.
According to Srinivas, there are four factors related to dominant caste. They are: numerical strength, control of resources, i.e., land, possession of political power, and socio-religious status. New factors affecting dominance have emerged in the last eighty years or so. Western education, jobs in the administration, and urban sources of income are all significant in contributing to the prestige and power of particular caste groups in the village. The introduction of adult franchise and Panchayatiraj (local self government at village, tahsil and district level) since independence has resulted in giving a new sense of self respect and power to low castes, particularly Harijans, who enjoy reservation of seats in all elected bodies from village to union parliament. The long term implications of these changes are probably even more important, especially in those villages where there are enough Harijans to sway the local balance of power one way or the other. In the traditional system, it was possible for a small number of people belonging to high caste to wield authority over the entire village, when they owned a large quantity of arable land and had a high ritual position. Now, however, in many parts of rural India, power has passed into hands of numerically large land owning peasant castes, it is likely to remain with them for some time, except in villages where Harijans are numerically strong and are also taking advantages of the new educational and other opportunities available to them. Endemic factionalism in the dominant caste is also another threat to its continued enjoyment of power.
No longer is dominance a purely local matter in rural India. A caste group which has only a family or two in particular village, but which enjoys decisive dominance in the wider region, will still count locally, because of the net work of ties binding it to its dominant relatives what is equally important is that others in the village will be aware of the existence of this net work. Countrywise, a caste, which enjoys dominance in only one village, will find that it has to reckon with the caste which enjoys regional dominance.
S.C. Dubey and B.K. Roy Burman have disagreed with Srinivas over his concept of dominant caste. S.C. Dubey holds that instead of any caste group, an individual dominates in the society. He is of opinion that power remains concentrated in a few individuals rather than diffused in the caste. Roy Burman has used the concept of dominant communities in place of Srinivas’ concept of dominant caste. According to him, the dominant communities have several dimensions, such as control over resources, social status, maintenance of law etc.
Question : Discuss how occupational diversification has affected the pattern of social stratification in India.
(2003)
Answer : In India under caste system, it was almost an accepted fact that occupation of the father will be followed by the son. There was therefore, no occupational diversification. The social structure was based on immobility of occupations. The Brahmins were to impart education, Kshatriyas to fight, Vaishyas to trade and the Shudras to do other jobs. All this served its purpose for a long time and as long as the economy was simple, the people, tradition ridden and outlook, narrow.
But as the time passed outlook of the people changed. Their outlook widened and they thought of adopting new occupations. Those who got higher education and technical and other qualifications joined the occupations which suited their qualifications, no matter whether these were of their parents or not. Similarly those who could amass wealth began to trade both inside and outside the country irrespective of the fact whether their parents were traders or not. The high caste Brahmins in many cases found that they should work in factories and other establishments at even low jobs to make both ends meet. In some cases they even became cooks of the rich people. The low caste people also gave up, as and when they found an opportunity, their dirty work and instead adopted good professions.
There was, therefore, wide occupational diversity. For the spread of education, contacts with the people, quick means of transportation and communication etc. were responsible.
Occupational diversification very much affected traditional social structure. The low castes who could start healthy and good occupations began to be socially respected. Those who could manage to get high jobs, were invited by their subordinates to their own residences, by the so called high caste people. The people belonging to all castes began to freely mix with each other and thus caste rigidly became less. Some of the high caste people did not mind marrying their sons and daughters with the low caste but highly placed people. In this way inter-caste marriages started. Not only this, but one effect was that new sub-castes came into existence. These were the result of the marriages of high caste with low caste and inter caste marriages.
Diversification of occupations implied occupational mobility. It could be possible only when there were chances of entering into other fields. Obviously those chances could be only where the people who diversified left their families and places. They came to their native place after a very long time. They lived away from their kith and kin. Thus their love for their near and dear ones much reduced. They developed new relationships with the people near them. They were close to them rather them their dear ones who were away from them. Being away from their homes, their approach and outlook to the whole social system changed. In fact whole social structure came under heavy strains. Caste marriage, religion, family and traditions all came under strains. Those who could manage to enter the new occupations and that too successfully, found that their life partners were not helping them in new efforts. They therefore, thought of dissolving marriage partnership, if that was possible. If that was not found feasible, they began to under estimate the value of marriage. Family relations got worsened. The women then began to lead a miserable life. No less was the problem with religion. The hold of religion over the people very much reduced. Religion began to be characterized as blind faithful of irrational superstitions and so on. The tradition which had found the society for a very long time were broken. The very fact that the people decided to join a profession which was not of their ancestors was in itself a proof of the fact that the traditions were being underestimated. Thus occupational mobility and diversification of occupations in India very much affected social structure and continues to affect that even now.
Question : Caste among Muslim in India.
(2003)
Answer : Like Hindu, the caste system or caste like hierarchy is found among the Muslims in India. A.K. Nazmal Karim, in his "Changing Society in India and Pakistan" (1953), has referred to four main caste groups like Hindu Varna system in the Muslim. These are Sayed, Mughal, Sheikh, and Pathan which are, according to Karim, counter parts of the Hindu four fold structure. This views of Karim has been supported by J.D. Cunningham who said that the Mohammedans in India divided themselves into four classes after the manner of the Hindus." Sir william Crooke believed that in theory atleast all Mussalmans, are brothers and can eat together, however, endogamy is the rule among certain tribes and caste, particularly in the case of those family which claim Arabic or persian lineage. There is nothing to prevent inter-marriage with stranger. Karim has pointed out that the Muslim population in Bengal who are organised more or less like the Hindu caste are similar in many respect to the Hindus. Dr. Ghaus Ansari enumerates the Muslim caste in Uttar Pradesh : (1) Ashraf (Sayed, Sheikh, Mughal and Pathan). (ii) Muslim Rajput (iii) clean occupational castes, Julaha (Weaver), Darzi (tailer) Qussai (butcher), Nai or Hajjam (barber), Kabariya or Kujra (green/grocer), Mirasi (musician), Kumhar (potter), Manihar (bracelet maker), Dhuniya (Cotton-carder), Fakir (Oil presser), Dhobi (Washerman), Gaddi (Grazier or milkman) and (iv) Unclean-caste (Bhangi).
Question : Discuss the Louis Dumont’s concept of purity and pollution. How far these concepts are relevant in explaining the Hindu Caste system?
(2002)
Answer : The notions of purity and pollution is inherent in the Hindu social organisation. Under the Varna system. The so-called Shudra was considered as the untouchable. An untouchable caste many not touch the Dwija and even their shadow may pollute the higher castes. They also may not enter into the temple, use tubewell and ponds etc. A Nayar is an untouchable of Kerala and had to keep a distance of seventy four to one hundred feet from a local Brahmin.
There are two kinds of events, birth and death that radiate pollution not only through contact or presence but also through kinship bonds. In all jati, the “happy” pollution of birth falls on smaller grouping of kinsmen and for a shorter period than does death seclusion. The members of dead person’s family become ritually and socially incapacitated from the very moment of his death. They must remain in seclusion and undergo purificatory ritual over a time and in a manner prescribed by the custom of their jati.
Purity is precarious while pollution is sure. It is non-transferable while pollution is highly contagious. A Brahmin in a state of high purity cannot transmit his purity to anyone, but he can be defiled by almost everyone. Only in a very few context can ritual merit be transmitted. One such context, is when a man performs certain rites before the high gods. His life cannot directly participate in them. She stands by her husband, touching him, and so derives merits through him.
Purity is a more relative condition than pollution. An untochable can make himself pure for his own worship; he can never become pure enough so that an orthodox Havik Brahmin, say, will worship side by side with him. Dumont has remarked, “We must discard the reassuring but unjustified expression of normal ritual status. Normal ritual status which is mildly impure is really outside the realm of hierarchy of the pure and impure in the context of caste system in India. The ritual bath could eliminate such impurity.
The relevance of purity and pollution in the traditional caste system was of the paramount importance. The social interaction, rituals, jajmani relation etc. were guided and charged by the rules of purity and pollution. The violation of these rules resulted in severe punishment to the untouchable castes and the higher caste had to perform purificatory right. This shows the rigidity of the caste system. It denotes the hierarchical system of caste. Those who are at the lowest level of hierarchy are considered more polluting or impure caste. Caste-system refers to the unequal distribution of prestige, power and rewards in the society. It also points out the high degree of social inequality.
All the castes, particularly Brahmin and Rajput dominated over the untouchable castes. This traditional domination is directly manifested in the notion of purity and pollution. After independence, Untouchability Offence Act (1955) was adopted and under Article 17, the practices of untouchability was banned. Now, with the spread of modern values, democratic polity and secularism, its practices has been largely eliminated. The protective discrimination policy and the reservation policy of the Govt. has also boosted up the status of untouchable castes.
Thus, to conclude, it may be said that the notion of purity and pollution is the guiding force of the Hindu-caste system. The entire socio-economic and political relations between the two or among castes were based on this concept. This also manifests the social, economic and political exploitation of the untouchable castes. But now, with the emergence of politiciation of the caste, the so called untouchables are gradually gaining political power by joning caste-based political party. The violation of Harijan Act or any prejudice and discrimination against the untouchable are punishable. M. N. Srinivas has called them “Sanskritised caste”. Thus, with the change in the caste system, the concept of purity and pollution has also been rationalised.
Question : Inequality among Brahmins.
(2002)
Answer : Brahmins constitute a large segment of the population of India. They occupy top-notch status in the social, economic and political life of the country. Traditionally, they have been dominating over the Indian society. The regional distribution of Brahmin population is disparate. They are living in almost all regions, parts and states of the country. The Brahmin community in India is not a homogeneous social group, the inequality and differentiation may be traced among them. In terms of sanctity, ritual purity and pollution and in maintaining the traditional Brahmanic assignment, the South India Brahmins are very forward. They are vegetarian and take more interest in ritualism. Economically, they are also advanced because they are fore-runners of the modern, technical and professional education. Most of the north-Indian Brahmins are non-vegetarian and maintain the norms of purity and pollution and ritualism in a flexible way. The widspread poverty may be traced among the Maithil Brahmin of north Bihar on the other hand Brahmins of Punjab and Bengal are relatively advanced in higher education. There is no political unity among the Brahmins. They are more or less equally affiliated to the major national and regional political parties. But they have been continuously dominating in the mainstream politics of India. There is the lack of association or organisation among them at the national and regional level.
Question : Caste and Indian Polity
(2001)
Answer : In the present time, two diamensional changes are taking place in the caste-politics nexus, first the caste is entering into the politics and second politics is entering into the caste system. Anil Bhatt, on the basis of his study in U.P., Gujarat, West Bengal and Andhra Pradesh found that the higher cates had more interest than the middle and the lower caste. He did not find any relationship between caste status and identification with political parties. He found that some high castes are politically influential while the middle and the low caste dominate only in few villages. Rajni Kothari (1970) broadly studied the present relation between caste and politics which he has summarised as follows:
Question : Which means of social mobility were available in the traditional caste system? Describe the form of social mobility in contemporary Indian society.
(2000)
Answer : Generally it is believed that the traditional caste system was a closed system. The report of the Indian Statutory Commission (1930) states, “Every Hindu necessarily belongs to the caste of his parents and in that caste he inevitably remains.” No accumulation of wealth, no exercise of talent can alter his caste status and marriage outside his caste is prohibited or severely discouraged". However, this was found to be a common sense and not a sociological reality. Study by Srinivas and others revealed that caste was never absolutely closed.
The means of mobility in the traditional caste system, according to Srinivas, was the process of Sanskritisation. Sanskritisation in the words of Srinivas is "a process by which a 'low' Hindu caste or a tribal or other group, changes its customs, ritual, ideology, and way of life in the direction of a high and frequently 'twice-born' caste". This process resulted in positional change of the caste within the caste system. Higher status or upward mobility of the whole caste group was achieved. We have many instances of sanskritisation throughout the history of India. Historians point out that various invading groups and aboriginal population were assimilated according to their social position in the appropriate hierarchy of caste. Invading rulers became Kshatriyas and powerful trading groups became Vaisyas and so on.
Besides Sanskritisation, there were other means of social mobility. D.F. Pocock mentions one as kshatriyaisation. According to Pocock in some instances people imitated the model of the king rather than that of Brahmin. The historical evidence of this is provided by the historians K. M. Pannikar and others. They hold that during the last two thousand years of Indian history, there has been no caste of true Kshatriyas. Nanda dynasty ruling in 5th century BC was the last dynasty of the Kshatriyas. After that the low caste claimed themselves as Kshatriyas after ruling over a patch of land by military skill and political power. Thus, through this means also many groups staked claim to higher status and improved their position in the caste hierarchy.
However, analytically Kshatriyaisation makes the part of the more holistic process of Sanskritisation. Srinivas conceived the process of Sanskritisation involving 'twice-born' caste as model and not Brahmins as model for imitation by low caste or tribals. We can take Kshatriyaisation as the specific instance of Sanskritisation.
The form of social mobility in contemporary Indian society differs fundamentally from that of traditional society. Sanskritisation as a channel for upward social mobility still exists but there are cases of resistance and protest against this process also. Srivastava noted emphasis on sub-cultural identity and rejection of cultural form of the upper caste derived from the higher traditions. Such process of deliberate reaction against Sanskritisation is called de-sanskritisation.
Besides Sanskritisation, new channels for mobility has come up in modern India. They are westernisation, Elite Emulation, etc. Westernisation refers to "changes brought about in Indian society and culture as a result of over 150 years of British rule, the term subsuming changes occurring at different levels ... technology, institutions, ideology and values". The caste groups like Brahmins, Baniyas, Aroras, Chettiars, Kayasthas etc. made full use of this process and acquired higher status in the contemporary Indian society.
We can also note that today the unit of mobility is individual rather than the whole caste group. The rate of mobility has also become fast. Earlier it took generations to raise status in caste hierarchy. When a caste group claimed higher position, it had to wait a few generation till the claim was accepted by others and legitimised. The fast rate of mobility in contemporary society is given to the change in structure and culture of modern society. While rigidity and static made the remarkable feature of that society, changes and fast change are the basis of this society.
We can also see that caste as a reference point of mobility has lost importance. Alternative of class as a reference point has emerged. One aspires to belong to higher class, rather than higher caste.
In the contemporary society, we can also note the forms of mobility like horizontal mobility in which a labourer migrates from village to urban centres to work as a construction worker or intragenerational mobility in which a person with his hard work and determination leaps towards higher status.
These developments sum the form of social mobility in contemporary Indian society.
Question : Caste among Indian Christians.
(2000)
Answer : Theoretically, caste as a system of social organisation has no place in Christianity, but practically it is not so among Indian Christians. Jacob and Dube argue that the sect wise division among the christian is in harmony with caste division. They identify at least four caste group among the Christians in Kerala. These groups are hierarchically organised and at the top are Syrian Christians. They are originally descendants of local upper caste (Namboodri Brahmins) who were converted to Christianity by St. Thomas. Next group in the hierarchy is the Latin Catholics. They are inferior to the Syrians. But they claim to be original Syrians who were absorbed into the Latin rites during Portuguese times. Presently, they constitute the other Backward Classes in Kerala. Neo-Christians or 'Puthukristianikal come third in the hierarchy. They are originally Dalit's and the product of conversion movements to escape oppression under the Hindu Society. This caste also involves the tribal converts and Christians of Shundra origin such as Nadar Christian of Tamil Nadu and Kerala. The fourth and the last one are Knanaya Christians or the Southists. They claim racial purity over the Northists who are descendants of Namboodri Brahmins.
These divisions of the Indian Christians follow almost all the practices that are associated with Hindu caste system. The membership of each division is hereditary and unalterable. The groups are arranged in a hierarchy of increasing power and prestige with the southists at the bottom and the Syrians at the top or in other words their pre-conversion ranks are intact. They practice endogamy. The neo-Christians live in separate cluster of quarters and are segregated. Even there exists segregation in church worship.
However, there is a slight difference among Christians and Hindus in the sense that there exists no religious or ideological sanction among the Christians for such type of divisions, while among the Hindus it is there.
Question : Social Justice.
(1999)
Answer : The term "Social Justice", in the Indian context, chiefly refers to the social, economic, political, educational and religious justice to the backward sections, caste and groups of society. In the traditional Indian society the socio-economic rewards have been unequally distributed under the Varna and caste systems. The Sudra which is now represented by the SC and OBC, and lower castes are still relatively deprived from due opportunity and rights and social prestige and status. They are the poor people. They have been always discriminated and exploited by the upper class or dominated group. To overcome these various problem B.R. Ambedkar advocated the concept of Social Justice while the constitution of India was framed. In the Constitution, special provisions and opportunities were provided to them so that they may uplift their status. The policy of reservation and Mandal Commission is a part of it. Except these Constitutional provisions, the concept of Social Justice is also closely associated with the various socio-religious reform movements such as Brahmo Samaj, Arya Samaj, SNDP, Self- Respect etc. The equality of opportunity and the concept of ensuring egalitarian social order are the basic elements of social justice.
Question : Modes of contents of expression of Dalit consciousness.
(1998)
Answer : The Dalit consciousness refers to the consciousness of Schedule Caste and Other Backward Castes to their due social-economic, political and religious rights and status in the society. With the establishment of the British rule and spread of the modern humanistic ideas, new awareness had developed in India against the oppressive nature of caste movement. The activities of Christian missionaries to win converts among lower castes and various socio-religious reform movements among Hindu further contributed to the growth of awareness among the lower caste against Brahmanical domination and oppressive nature of caste system. This led to the various backward class movement in early 20th century. Some of the important movements are; Dravidian movement, SNDP movement, Mahar movement etc. The Dalit consciousness has also manifested in the emergence of regional politics and parties in India. The DMK, BSP, RJD etc. are closely associated with sentiments of Dalits. Dalits have also constituted several associations and lobbies to fight against their exploitation. Educational upliftment, modernisation, policies of Govt., constitutional legislations etc., have also contributed a lot in Dalit consciousness.
Question : Role of caste Associations.
(1998)
Answer : Under the socio-religious movement and after independence, several caste associations have been formed which are playing significant roles in the upliftment of the status of SC and OBC. First, in 1932, the father of the nation, Mahatma Gandhi formed the "All Indian Harijan Sangh" under which the untouchability was frequently opposed. Baba Saheb Ambedkar who had experienced the worst form of castiest discrimination during his childhood, fought against upper caste throughout his life. He organised the "All India Scheduled Caste Federation", while several other leaders of the depressed classes founded the "All India Depressed classes Association". In 1900s, Maharaja of Kolhapur encouraged the non-Brahmin movement which spread to the southern states and was joined by Kammas, Reddis and Vellals and the Muslims. During 1920s, in South India, non-Brahmin organised the Self-Respect movement led by E.V. Ramaswami Naicker. Sri Narayan Guru in Kerala led a lifelong struggle against upper caste domination. He coined the slogan " One religion, One caste, one God for mankind". In Bihar, the M.C.C. is chiefly associated with the suppressed class against the upper caste landlords which often clashes with the Ranbir Sena, a upper caste army, chiefly rajput and Bhumihar's association. These caste associations have, to a great extent, realised the status of the concerned group but it is often result in mutual conflict in the society.
Question : "Caste is becoming weaker and stronger at the same time in present day India". Discuss the factors responsible for continuity and change.
(1997)
Answer : In the present or modern India, the traditional structure and function of caste have greatly changed and some new dimensional change has occurred in it. Caste and politics, caste and class, schedule caste and other backwards caste, sanskritization etc. are the connotation which are used in the context of caste. In the traditional society the cast is viewed in terms of ritual purity, pollution, and function. Under the Varna system of stratification, different Varna and castes were assigned variegated duties. A low Varna or Sudra was considered impure and if they touched a 'Dwija' which consists Vaishya, Rajnaya and Brahmin, the latter will be considered impure. They will have to perform several sacred rituals like sprinkling of Gangajal etc. and then they will be purified. In the Constitution of India, Article-17 consists of the provisions regarding the untouchability. Article 25 prohibits any form of religious disabilities on the ground of religion, language etc. Under the traditional system, a lower caste particularly untouchable, was not allowed to enter into the Hindu temple, public places, wells, hotel etc. But the various social movements such as self-respect and SNDP movement fought against these disabilities and enabled the lower castes to avail these facilities.
The another area which has become weaker is the function of various caste groups. Due to social mobility, various impact and change, the traditional function of caste or varna have changed greatly. The various case studies conducted by sociologists argue that the lower castes or Shudras are rapidly giving up their traditional occupation and adopt to the changing world. Now, they are not bound to do the assigned job. There may be some social bounding on them in spite of provisions. In the rural areas, these bounding to traditional profession is rather more intense than the urban areas. Examples may be cited of Izava, Okkaliga, Noniyans, Chamar, Dhobi, etc. who are gradually delinking themselves from their traditional occupation. The relevance of Jajmani system is rapidly diminishing in the villages. Now the Kamin is not bound to provide service to the Jajman.
At the same time, the casteism is becoming very stronger in the modern India because of its affiliation to the politics. Caste is considered as the vote bank of the political parties. The emergence of regional and national parties mostly mobilise people on the grounds of caste, and religion. This is promoting casteism. In the selection of candidates and framing the ideology of the parties, the caste based ideology may be traced. Secondly the high socio-economic disparity between the lower castes and upper castes provide the former the unification against the latter. This is the reason of the emergence of various caste associations in our country.
The factors of change in the structural and functional aspects of caste system are industrialization, modernization, secularism, Constitutional provisions, education, impact of western culture, democratic political system etc. These factors have promoted social mobility, especially upward social mobility among the traditionally lower castes. The type of upward mobility in which a lower caste claims equal social status in terms of 'Dwija' is termed by late M.N. Srinivas as 'Sanskritization' while the others have termed it 'elite emulation'. They are grabbing more opportunities, economic wealth, power etc. which are the basis of ranking in the modern industrial society. Thus, the traditional caste structure is transforming into class-like social group. The class is open and anybody can enter into it by fulfilling some standard norms. The traditional bondage of exogamy or endogamy marriage, anuloma and pratiloma vivah are frequently practised in India. The people's life is mostly governed and guided by the scientific temperament, rationality and secular values.
Conclusion : Though caste system has greatly changed at structural and functional level, it is still affecting social life in its changed form. The basic instincts which are inherited by the tradition and family by birth cannot be totally eliminated. Thus, the occurrences of caste prejudices and conflict are more frequent. Thirdly, the political parties especially, regional are greatly strengthening the casteism for their own sake. The governmental efforts have no doubt proved useful, but it requires social consciousness. In fact, the objective consideration on caste may be still proved functional for the society. The continuity and change is natural and due, but the complete abolition of system may result in social upheavals and chaos.
Question : Avenues of caste mobility in Traditional Indian Society.
(1996)
Answer : Caste, in the ancient time was relatively open system. It was primarily an occupational division of labour rather than a rigid system of stratification. Thus, inter-caste mobility was quite common and inter-caste marriage took place frequently. According to K.M. Panniker since the fifth century B.C. every known royal family has come from non-Kshatriya caste. Historians believe that Maurya was of the Shudra origin and Gupta were perhaps the Vaishya, while Satvahana claimed themselves to be Brahamin. The group belonging to different caste could come to acquire political power and after successfully capturing political power they could also acquire the Kshatriya status, whereby new genealogies were created tracing their decent from solar and lunar dynasties. Thus, since ancient time the most effective way to raise the caste-system was the acquisition of territory either through conquest or occupancy. M.N. Srinivas refers to the former method as mobility through resort or warfare". The rise and fall of various dynasties in India involve social mobility. For example around the 8th century A.D., Rajput captured political power in various parts of northern India and acquired the Kshatriya status for themselves. Originally, Rajput were of the tribal origin belonging to Huna and Saka tribes which had migrated and settled down in India. In the medieval India, the avenues of mobility came into existence due to urbanization, administrative occupation etc. M.N. Srinivas studied the Rampura village of Coorg and found positional change in the status of lower caste which he termed sanskritization.
