Answer : The term social movement covers a great variety of forms of collective action aimed at social reorganization. When we talk of social movement as an expression of protest, we refer to an effort to block a proposed change or to uproot a change already achieved. This movement arises because people consider social change too fast.

This type of social movement emerges as a reaction against the action taken by the government. Since the decision does not fulfill the interest of certain segments of people, they organize themselves against those decisions. Medha Patekar and Arundhati Roy’s association with ‘Narmada Bachao Andolan’ against the Supreme Court decision is the recent example.

During the Renaissance and the French Revolution social movements started as a protest against greedy and corrupt clergies demanding equal rights, liberty and fraternity respectively.

There was a protest movement by American Blacks led by Martin Luther King Junior against the White. This movement succeeded in getting equal rights and reached its peak by electing Barrack Hussain Obama to the Head of the State.

Gender bias and atrocities against Women led to feminist movements globally protesting against patriarchy and male centred laws and programmes. In the caste driven society like India there was a Self Respect Movement in early 1900s against Brahmanism. This protest movement culminated in the formation of a political party (DMK) in Tamil Nadu.

Similarly, Other Backward Class Movement began protesting against privileged and forward class. This led to the implementation of Mandal Commission Report by reserving certain posts for the backward classes.

Answer : A compulsory element in every political system is political participation. In every society, though the political power is concentrated in few hands,

attempt is made for participation of the maximum number of persons in the political system. This increases political stability and provides validity to political authority. In a society where political participation is very limited so that very few people participate in political activities, there is more possibility of a violent revolution. It is due to this reason that armed revolution seldom succeeds in democratic countries whereas in military states and the societies governed by monarchies, violence is the most common means to change the government.

In modern times, in the absence of denial of all real rights even the sector in military states try to make the people participate or at least to feel participating. This is due to the fact that political participation gives public sanction to the government.

Therefore, even a dictator does not try to run the state alone but makes more and more people to participate in it so that the support may be constant and in the case of violent revolution he alone may not be found guilty. Thus, political participation is an important characteristic of a political system.

According to H. McClosky, “Participation is the principal means by which consent is granted or withdrawn in a democracy and rulers are made accountable to the ruled.” Thus, political participation involves criticism of the government. Therefore, the rulers always take care to rule according to public opinion.

This does not mean that there has been a real increase in political participation in modern democracies. For example, as compared to Australia, political participation rate is lower in USA known as the most powerful democracy in the world. Besides Australia, the rate of political participation is more satisfactory in New Zealand, Great Britain, Norway and Sweden. This is due to the fact that political participation does not depend upon the democratic political system alone but is also influenced by so many other factors.

Democratic Participation: According to J.L. Woodward and F. Robert, political participation involves the following:

Voting at the Polls: The most important participation in a democracy is the use ofadult franchise. In the absence of this right democracy is not possible. Therefore, in a democracy the adult males and females have a right to participate in elections. The age of participation, however, varies in different states from 18 to 21 years.

Membership of Pressure Groups: An important activity of political participation is the active membership of political pressure group. This should not be curbed by law since such an impediment is very much opposed.

Communication by Legislators: Modern democracies are generally indirect, since the number of people is so large that they cannot directly participate in the political activities.

Hence, in most of the countries the people elect members of legislatures. The political participation of people does not end with the elections but the political activity constantly goes on between the voters and the legislators on one hand and the legislators and local leaders on the other. The legislators who fail to do so or who do not maintain public contact can not hope for victory in future elections.

Participation in Political Party: Every democracy has two or more political parties. Each political party has a specific ideology and it constantly propagates it. This propagation is done by political workers who are active members of the party. Some of them are whole time political workers. Most of the political parties have their network of workers in every village of the country. This is particularly true about a political party at the national level. Some political parties, however, are regional in character and their workers work in their field of influence.

Democracy allows people to form any political party and actively participate in any political group. In comparison, with the ordinary people the active members have more influence upon the legislatures and political leaders so much so that they are successful in taking local problems to the legislators.

Propaganda of Political Opinion: Before elections and almost all the time after it every political party tries to propagate its ideology more and more. Each party has a right to propagate its ideas everywhere through newspapers and magazines, and other means of communications. Most of the propagation is done through the lectures by political leaders.

In every country some political activities are happening all the time, the news of which is carried by the newspapers. Then, from time to time, political movements are waged and activities of political participation increased. No political party ever sits idle. Those who are elected to legislative one busy in acting for their political party. Each political party has political leaders from the village to national level who are always busy in political activities involving hundreds and thousands and sometimes millions of persons. This may be seen in India. Before election the speed of political participation very much increases. From time to time the local and national political issues are taken up to maintain activity.

Not only the political issues but even non-political problems become the bases of political movements. Meetings are organised, processions taken out, memoranda submitted and demonstrations held. This political participation is going on in every city in some form or the other almost all the time.

According to L. Milbrath, “The activities included in political participation” may be divided into “gladiatorial activities”, “transitional activities” and “spectator activities”. These activities are as follows:

Gladiatorial Activities: This category includes the activities which are part of routine of the political parties such as elections to political post, participation in the elections to legislature, gathering fund for the party, movements to increase membership and organization of meetings everywhere to form public opinion in its favour etc.

Transitional Activities: These include activities of the helpers and well-wishers of the political parties such as hearing the lectures of leaders, donating to the fund of the party and maintaining contact with the leaders of the party.

Spectator Activity: This category includes voting, influencing other’s vote, participating in political debates, being influenced by political stimuli, wearing badges of the political party and disturbing leaflets, etc.

The above analysis shows that political participation is of two types: active and passive. This classification is based upon time, energy and means utilisation. All the people do not want to devote time, energy or money in political activities. These cannot be called active participants.

They are known as passive participants. In other words, they are only spectators while those who create the spectacle are the active political participants.

Another analysis of political participation is based upon purpose. From this point of view, political participation is of two types: instrumental and expressive. In instrumental political participation, the persons aim at achieving definite purposes such as victory in the elections by the political party, enactment of a bill in the legislature or increasing the field of influence of a particular leader.

On the other hand, expressive political participation does not have definite objects. It only aims at the satisfaction or the release of a feeling. Some persons vote to achieve the victory of a particular candidate whereas most of the voters vote for the satisfaction on the use of their voting right. In fact, no voting may be mere release of feeling. It has some or the other political aims. Therefore, the above mentioned types of political participation are useful for expressing the relative difference among the participants in political activities.

Political Participation in Authoritarian Systems: The above discussion should not lead us to conclude that political participation is the sign of democracy alone. It is found in some form or other even in non-democratic systems. In the words of T.J. Bellows, S. Eriksson and H.R. Winter, “It is a type of political positivist, which provides support for the regime but enables the individual to avoid the politicization of his whole beings. As a defence mechanism, it seeks to pressure in open of the few ways possible, some form of individual privacy and autonomy.”

This apathy is different from democratic apathy. In a democracy two types of persons may be called politically apathetic. Some people do not participate in political activities due to absence of information and lack of interest in the political field. This apathy is not optional. It is generally found in illiterates, lonely and very poor members of society. In a society having predominant influence of male, one finds apathy to the matters concerning the females.

However, there is another group political apathy which is willful. For example, some persons decide not to participate in political activities. They do so due to some reaction or thinking it to suit them. In brief, this type of political apathy may be due to the following reasons:

Absence of Reward: The chief cause of political apathy is that, as compared to other human activities, political activity is less rewarded. For example, helping the relatives and friends or gathering means of materials enjoyments providing a satisfaction, it is more than the reward of the political participation. In other words, such a person finds political participation of very low value. This devaluation may be psychological or social. Psychologically the persons who insist upon satisfaction of their biological and psychological needs do not have much interest in political activities. From the social view point, class conflict does not grow in the societies taking economic distinctions, resulting in political apathy and interest in other fields of life.

Consciousness of Political Helplessness: A significant cause of political apathy is the consciousness of political helplessness among some people. In the words of R.A. Duhl, “Citizens who are pessimistic about their capacity to influence political events may eschew politics on the ground that what they do won’t matter anyway. Voters sometimes neglect to vote because they feel that one vote won’t change the outcome, citizens often fail to press their views on public officials because they believe that public officials won’t pay attention to people like themselves.” Thus, whenever the citizens feel that their political activity does not give significant results, they reduce political participation. Such a situation may be seen in India at present. Most of the persons feel that political influence depends upon income, social status, political experience, educational attainment and the personality of the person concerned. In the absence of these factors are may not hope to achieve any political influences. Therefore, the poor, the illiterate, the lowly and people’s deficient in personal qualities are generally apathetic to politics because they cannot hope to be effective in it.

Satisfaction from the Political System: If a person or satisfied the present political system and finds it absolutely efficient and effective, he may be apathetic to political participation. It is due to the belief that the political system will continue even if he does not participate in political activity.

Dissatisfaction from the Political System: On the other hand, if some persons are absolutely disillusioned of a political system, they also leave political participation. In their absolute dissatisfaction, they think that the political system is so corrupt that it cannot be reformed or that they have no power to reform it. Therefore, they think it better to save themselves from corruption, keeping themselves away from politics. Sometimes political apathy becomes an ideology. For example, the Naxalites in India believe that elections do not deliver any good to the people and therefore they consider it a useless political participation.

Answer : ‘A social movement’ is a collective venture extending beyond a local commodity or single event and involving a systematic effort to bring about changes in the way people think and behave.

Considering the elements in the above definition, first, ‘social movement is a collective venture’, a considerable number of persons must be involved in an activity for it to be considered a social movement. Secondly, ‘movements are change-oriented’. They have as their objective, some forms of change in the way people think, in what they believe, and in their behaviour. These changes may be attempts at instituting new norms or values in the society. For example, the ‘women’s movement’ has sought and achieved new laws (norms) which prohibit sex discriminations in employment. Some movements, however, have as their objectives the protection of existing values and norms which appear to be threatened.

Other social movements attempt to restore norms and values that have fallen into disuse. Groups that reject urban life and technology for communal life in harmony with nature exemplify this type of change. Thirdly, ‘movements extend beyond a single event or community’. Local activities by themselves are not movements. Only when they spread across several communities and events are called movements. Fourthly, ‘movements involve systematic efforts’; that is, they are coordinated activities rather than random ones. Thus they have one or more organizations associated with them. These organizations may be highly formalized.

Unlike collective behaviour, which tends to have relatively little structure and to exist for comparatively short periods of time, social movements have structure, tend to last relatively long, and have continuity in goals, methods and membership. Members of movements identify themselves more completely with the movements than do members of collectivities. Nevertheless, there is an important relationship between the two, social movements have several types of collectivities and forms of collective behaviour associated with them. Movements often publicize their goals by means of rallies and marches. Audiences assemble to observe the movement’s activities. Occasionally these audiences become transformed into crowds. Masses and publics are often associated with movements. They provide important sources of new contributors and members. A complete picture or model of a social movement would include one or more organizations, various forms of mass and public behaviour and probably several forms of crowd behaviour.

Movements differ from other organised attempts to change society. The methods used by a movement lie outside the normal institutional processes of society. For e.g., rather than attempting to change the laws by writing to political officials, lobbying and backing candidates favourable to the changes, people involved in social movements might hold demonstration or marches, engage in acts of civil disobedience, or even use violence. Groups that rely solely on political lobbying to achieve their goals, and use other established institutional processes, are called “interest group” rather than movement organisations. The distinction between the two is not always easy to make, however, because movement organisations often utilize both types of methods. For example, the women’s movement of the late 1960s and 1970s used the political system to promote change but also went outside the institutionalised political arrangements. Marches, rallies, consciousness raising sessions, rape crisis cents. Self help groups, and activists’ organisations all promote women’s interests with little or no assistance from political groups or the government.

Since movements employ non-institutionalised methods to promote changes, they can provide functions for society. They can act as mechanisms to allow needed changes to occur when existing institutions are not responsive to the needs of various groups of people. The civil rights movement, the women’s movement, the labour movement, the French Revolution and the American Revolution are all examples of social movements which helped to meet needs that were not being met by existing institutions. However; Social movements do not always serve this function. A large number of movements fail to eliminate the problem facing their supporters. Sometimes this is because the supporters are not well-organised and sometimes the opposition problems or to select impractical techniques to overcome them.

Semelser’s framework focuses upon important factors that affect how movements develop and it shows how these factors are inter-related.

It also shows how movements and collective behaviours are similar, they are influenced by the same general set of determinants – and how they differ – the sources of strain are identified by the beliefs, are different for the two. The framework is only able to treat the inter-relations at an abstract level; however, some cities feel that it is too abstract. Furthermore, the framework is only a way of looking at movements; it does not explain why any particular movement occurred. Nor can it be used to predict the development of movements in the distant future.

Social movements have been divided into different types. There are general movements, specific movements and expressive movements. Similarly there are reactionary movements, conservative movements, revisionary movements and revolutionary movements and others of classical movements and protest movements. All of these types may also vary with respect to number of people involved, influence and financial resources, scope of activities and issues, and nature of innovations proposed. A social movement can consist of a handful of revolutionaries proposing wide-ranging innovations, or huge numbers of people with rather narrow grievances requiring for their satisfaction less than tremulous adjustments in the social structure.

Migratory Movement: It takes place when a large number of people leave one country and settle in some other place. The reason for mass migration may be discontent with present circumstances or the allurement of a bright future. Mere migration does not mean migratory movement. There is a common focus of discontent, a shared purpose or hope for the future and a widely shared decision to move. The movement of Jews to Israel was a migratory social movement.

Expressive Movement: When people are faced with a social system from which they cannot free and which they feel powerless to change, the result is an expressive social movement. In an expressive social movement the individual comes to terms with an unpleasant external reality by modifying his reactions to that reality. He tries to ignore the miserable present and fixes his gaze upon a glorious future. The Hippie movement is an expressive social movement.

Utopian Movement: A Utopian movement is one which seeks to create an ideal social system or a perfect society which can be found only in man’s imagination and not in reality. Such movements are based on a conception of man as basically good, co-operative and altruistic. The Sarvodaya Movement can be called a Utopian movement.

Resistance Movement: The Resistance movement is an effort to block a proposed change or to uproot a change already achieved. The resistance movement arises because people consider social change too fast. The DMK movement against Hindi can be termed a resistance movement.

Revolutionary Movement: Revolutionary movements have two main characteristics that distinguish them from norm-oriented movements. First, they have goals that involve substantial changes in the social structure of the society.

New economic, political, or educational arrangements are typical of the goals of revolutionary movements. Secondly, revolutionary movements often advocate or use illegal methods. These are used partly because more conventional, legal methods would be ineffective.

Often such groups perceive themselves as driven to use illegal methods since they are not allowed to exist peacefully in the society. The Indian National Freedom Struggle is an example of this type of a movement which usually takes a violent turn, but ‘Mahatma Gandhi’ saw the futility of a violent uprising against the mighty technologically superior foreign powers and suitably adapted his strategy and called it ‘the non-violent struggle’.

Because revolutionary movements advocate substantial change, they are often looked upon with disdain or fear by those who do not want any change. Since people in positions of power in the society often have vested interest is holding their position, they are likely to use whatever resources they have to oppose revolutionary movement.

Reform Movements: The objective of these movements is to bring far-reaching changes in the social structure. They not only support the existing values of the society but often attempt to show how their goals are consistent with such values. Reform movements employ legal methods. They are usually concerned with the change of some particular practice in the society. An example of reform movement is the Brahmo Samaj started by Raja Ram Mohan Roy.

He was affected by the evil practices whereby innocent brides were burnt on the pyre along with their deceased spouses. This practice called the ‘Sati’ was glorified and temples were built for these women who were ‘sacrificed’. In Hinduism, there was no provision for education for women, and also for widows to remarry. These and several other unfair aspects of the society created a mental turmoil in Raja Ram Mohan Roy and he spearheaded a movement in defence of women which later on took the shape of an organization, the Brahmo Samaj. Reform movement groups usually work within established channels to achieve their goals.

Answer : The term social movement was first used by Saint Simon in France in 18th century to describe the movement of social protests that emerged there against political forces for status quo.

In a broader term social movement is an organised attempt or effort to bring change or resist change in social structure. It can also be defined as collective attempt to further a common interest or secure a common goal through collective action.

Social movement may originate as unplanned, unorganized and with undirected grouping of people who are either dissatisfied with the entire system or part of the system and in this regard people may share their ideas or experiences and become organized with the collective efforts of people for common goal. Social movements may be of various kinds such as reformative, religious or revolutionary. Social movements are of great sociological interest because they are a major source of social change.

The structure of a social movement principally comprises of three parts, namely, goal, organizational structure as well as leadership; and ideological frame. According to M.S.A Rao, a social movement essentially involves sustained collective mobilisation through either informal or formal organisation and is generally oriented towards bringing about change in the existing system. For such a collective moboilisation there should be a goal set up so as to integrate the people of common interest. Without goal there is no possibility of movement and no collective mobilization. Then first important feature of a social movement is goal set up.

The organisational structure and leadership is another important aspect ofsocial movement because distribution of task is requird in every movement. These tasks are assigned to different persons and units ofgroup depending upon personal qualities and commitments of individuals. Thus in this manner, some kinds of organizational structure emerges to fulfill the goals of a movement.

At the same time, to lead a movement a persuasive leadership called charismatic leader in sociological literature is very essential. It is also necessary for getting support of masses spontaneously. For example, the role of Mahatma Gandhi in India’s freedom movement is well-known. In organisational structure, elaborate system of local and regional level units and branches are established to strengthen the organisation. Such organisations are devised on the basis of movements, aims and objectives and they also express the collective will of the people.

Ideological framework is the third important part of social movement. A movement cannot keep itself alive unless it develops its ideological frame and identity. An ideology of a social movement relies on sets of ideas that explain and justify its purpose and method. The ideological framework also articulates aspirations and defines levels of expectations of the people. Moreover, it also gives legitimacy to the action programmes of a movement and it provides to movement acceptability and recognition among the people at large. It also becomes a rallying paint to assemble people to consolidate the gains of collective mobilisation. For example, ideology of Gandhismand Maxism have influenced several social and political movements in India.

Answer : Political participation is a necessary ingredient of every political system. All political system encourage political participation through varying degree. By involving the people in the matters of state, political participation, foster stability and order by reinforcing the legitimacy of political authority. A society in which the substantial part of the population is denied any participation whatsoever, is likely to be highly explosive. This is why even in the modern non-democratic political system, the idea of political participation demote a series of voluntary activities which have a bearing on political process that involves issues like selection of rulers or various aspects or form of public policy.

There are many forms of participation in the forums of government which encourage maximum participation in government process. Participation does not mean merely exercise of political right like franchise, by the people. It means their active involvement, which in the real manner influence the decision making activity of the government. Democratic theory considers citizens as the rational, independent and interested political persons capable of expressing their opinion regarding the persons aspiration for holding offices and also competent in electing same person who deal with policies of government in a way conducive to the interest of the masses. Perhaps the mass perceives participation as simply living in a democratic community and where all government action and policies are publicised in press, radio and television. In these position those in position of authority must perform and conduct themselves in such a fashion as appeal to sensible people. Thus the great public in a democracy serves a sort of sounding bond for public policies, deliberation and discussion. Thus even the positive participation is a constructive part of democratic society.

The most obvious way of political participation is voting other ways include such behaviour as reading or listening or watching a mass media of communication taking part in political discussion, listening to political parties, writing letter to public officials or newspaper editors, trying to influence the voters, contesting the election for offices etc.

S.M. Lipset has argued that high level of participation cannot always be treated as good for democracy. It may indicate that the decline of social cohesion and breakdown of democratic process. It is the principal problem for a theory of democratic system, without introducing sources of cleavage which will determine cohesion some other political theories are of the opinion that when the majority of the people in society are contended, participation is small. This should be taken as a favourable rather than unfavourable sign because it indicates instability and consensus within the society and also absence of broad cleavage.

Depending upon the intensity and cleavage of participation Lester Milbrath has categorised political participation in three forms :

(1) Gladiatorial Activities: Represent that small number of party activities whose association with political parties keep them engaged in a series of direct party activities like holding parties, officers, fighting the election as candidates and raising party funds.

(2) Transitional Activities: The transitional activity of political participation refers to transformation of mobe of political participation, political party, ideology, political compaign and all sorts of new initiatives and activities. In the present day national politics of India, the anti-defamation is the example. In the modern day democratic and changing world, the transitional activity is to some extent, functional for society and polity as well.

(3) Spectator's Activities: It include voting, influencing others to vote in particular was joining political discussion of exposing themselves to political stimuli.

Some of the important determinants of voting behaviour in India are: (1) Individual factors - Value, attitudes, interest etc. (2) Social factors— Social values and the collective conscience of the society (3) Political factos: The political set-up of a nation such as democratic, secular, monarchical etc. and nature of political participation helps individuals and groups in casting votes (4) Economic factors - Economic development and growth. (5) Cultural factors— Cultural areas, cultural symbol etc. (6) Racial factors (7) Religious factors- Chrismatic quality of leader, religious slogans, rites and rituals (8) Propaganda of mass mobilisation (9) Literacy (10) Party's Ideology (11) Caste and Class (12) Current Issues (13) Specific Polity etc.

The above mentioned factors affects both the voting behaviour and political participation in the modern democratic political set-up.

Answer : Karl Manheim in his book, "Ideology and Utopia" (1936) argued that ideology is all thought distorted by the desire to conserve the present social order and to restore the past. Ideology is the manifestation of vested interest or the programme of action. It is contrasted with the special uses of the term utopia. The ideological social change in society that results from a social movement may not be seen first in terms of the changes of he position of the concerned section of the movement and secondly in terms of their impact on the wider society. In the context of the latter, a basic distinction has to be made between those social movement which have brought about either partial or wholesale change in the structure of relationship and the value underlying them and efforts which have resulted in marginal change only aimed at maintaining the status quo. This distinction overlaps with Smelser's distinction between value and norm oriented movement. Value and nroms, however, cannot be isolated from the positional picture. They have to be seen in relation to social relationship and their linkage. Further movement oriented towards changing values also bring about change in norms specific to situation.

Normally the status quo oriented movement such as those of Kshtriya Mahasabha, the Kanya Kubja Brahmins and Sanatan Dharma bring up a reaction to change oriented movement. They are more in nature of counter efforts launched by the establishment. Here the first class citizen (e.g. Brahmin, Rajput and Baniya) feel disinherited and threatened by the radical movement. With a view to maintaining their position, they organise themselves and mobilise their caste men in a effort of reform customs which are considered outdated so as to catch up with the times. They form association which tend to take welfare and service functions, especially in urban areas and act as a pressure group on certain occasion. For instance, All India Kshatriya Mahasabha pressed the retention of princely privileges. The classes exhibit sign of counter effort whenever they perceive their interest to be threatened. The bases of collective mobilisation among the privileged group are self-defence, self-help, correction of self-image and consolidation of status. In contrast to the status quo maintaining attempt which emerged among the dispossessed group, a social movement which originate among the deprived section are oriented towards bringing about change in the structure of positional arrangement, values and norms.

Besides the ideological change brought by social movement, it is also associated with the structural and organisational change. The structural change refers to change in the totality of relationship, relative positions and their arrangement and value while the organisational change signifying change in norms, activities and personnel from one position to another. The social movement is associated with three types of structural change-reform, transformation and revolution. Each of these consists an ideology.

The reform movement is associated with partial change in the value system and consequential change in the quality of relationship. Often reforms are associated with belief system, world view, outlook, ritual and style of life of the affected group. Indian history abounds with example of reform movement. The devotional movements which led to formation of diverse sects in medieval India revolted against the monopoly of certain section of Brahmin over the various path of salvation. These movement propounded that devine grace could be achieved through devotion which are open to all classes and castes. In so far these movement abrogated the principle of birth which determine access to salvation through knowledge and rituals they brought about structural change in the religious sphere. The reform movement that emerged in British India, however, led to both doctrinal change and change in the totality of social and cultural system. The changes are wholesale and sudelen and are often associated with violence. Revolutionary movements are characterised by class conflict and are associated with political parties which operate on the basis of carefully formulated ideology and programme of action. The revolutions that occurs in Russia and China are its example.

As far as transformative social movement is concerned it is aimed at bringing about middle level structural change in the traditional distributional distribution of power and in the system of differential allocation of resources, rights and privileges by attacking the monopoly of the upper classes and caste in different areas of life including religions. The elements of conflict in these movements acquire a sharper focus than in the reform movement. The nature of conflict in the case of the latter is based on the Marxist ideology of class-struggle, in the case of the former, the conflict is more between ethnic groups.

Answer : A compulsory element in every political system is political participation. In every society, though the political power is concentrated in few hands, attempt is made for participation of the maximum number of persons in the political system. This increases political stability and provides validity to political authority. In a society where political participation is very limited so that very few people participate in political activities, there is more possibility of a violent revolution. It is due to this reason that armed revolution seldom succeeds in democratic countries whereas in military states and the societies governed by monarchies, violence is the most common means to change the government. In modern times, in the absence of denial of all real rights even the sector in military states try to make the people participate or at least to feel participating. This is due to the fact that political participation gives public sanction to the government. Therefore, even a dictator does not try to run the state alone but makes more and more people to participate in it so that the support may be constant and in the case of violent revolution he alone may not be found guilty. Thus, political participation is an important characteristic of a political system.

According to H. McClosky, “Participation is the principal means by which consent is granted or withdrawn in a democracy and rulers are made accountable to the ruled.” Thus, political participation involves criticism of the government. Therefore, the rulers always take care to rule according to public opinion. This does not mean that there has been a real increase in political participation in modern democracies. For example, as compared to Australia, political participation rate is lower in USA known as the most powerful democracy in the world. Besides Australia, the rate of political participation is more satisfactory in New Zealand, Great Britain, Norway and Sweden. This is due to the fact that political participation does not depend upon the democratic political system alone but is also influenced by so many other factors.

Democratic Participation: According to J.L. Woodward and F. Robert, political participation involves the following:

Voting at the Polls: The most important participation in a democracy is the use of adult franchise. In the absence of this right democracy is not possible. Therefore, in a democracy the adult males and females have a right to participate in elections. The age of participation, however, varies in different states from 18 to 21 years.

Membership of Pressure Groups: An important activity of political participation is the active membership of political pressure group. This should not be curbed by law since such an impediment is very much opposed.

Communication by Legislators: Modern democracies are generally indirect, since the number of people is so large that they cannot directly participate in the political activities. Hence, in most of the countries the people elect members of legislatures. The political participation of people does not end with the elections but the political activity constantly goes on between the voters and the legislators on one hand and the legislators and local leaders on the other. The legislators who fail to do so or who do not maintain public contact can not hope for victory in future elections.

Participation in Political Party: Every democracy has two or more political parties. Each political party has a specific ideology and it constantly propagates it. This propagation is done by political workers who are active members of the party. Some of them are whole time political workers. Most of the political parties have their network of workers in every village of the country. This is particularly true about a political party at the national level. Some political parties, however, are regional in character and their workers work in their field of influence. Democracy allows people to form any political party and actively participate in any political group. In comparison, with the ordinary people the active members have more influence upon the legislatures and political leaders so much so that they are successful in taking local problems to the legislators.

Propaganda of Political Opinion: Before elections and almost all the time after it every political party tries to propagate its ideology more and more. Each party has a right to propagate its ideas everywhere through newspapers and magazines, and other means of communications. Most of the propagation is done through the lectures by political leaders.

In every country some political activities are happening all the time, the news of which is carried by the newspapers. Then, from time to time, political movements are waged and activities of political participation increased. No political party ever sits idle. Those who are elected to legislative one busy in acting for their political party. Each political party has political leaders from the village to national level who are always busy in political activities involving hundreds and thousands and sometimes millions of persons. This may be seen in India. Before election the speed of political participation very much increases. From time to time the local and national political issues are taken up to maintain activity. Not only the political issues but even non-political problems become the bases of political movements. Meetings are organised, processions taken out, memoranda submitted and demonstrations held. This political participation is going on in every city in some form or the other almost all the time.

According to L. Milbrath, “The activities included in political participation” may be divided into “gladiatorial activities”, “transitional activities” and “spectator activities”. These activities are as follows:

Gladiatorial Activities: This category includes the activities which are part of routine of the political parties such as elections to political post, participation in the elections to legislature, gathering fund for the party, movements to increase membership and organization of meetings everywhere to form public opinion in its favour etc.

Transitional Activities: These include activities of the helpers and well-wishers of the political parties such as hearing the lectures of leaders, donating to the fund of the party and maintaining contact with the leaders of the party.

Spectator Activity: This category includes voting, influencing other’s vote, participating in political debates, being influenced by political stimuli, wearing badges of the political party and disturbing leaflets, etc.

The above analysis shows that political participation is of two types: active and passive. This classification is based upon time, energy and means utilisation. All the people do not want to devote time, energy or money in political activities. These cannot be called active participants. They are known as passive participants. In other words, they are only spectators while those who create the spectacle are the active political participants.

Another analysis of political participation is based upon purpose. From this point of view, political participation is of two types: instrumental and expressive. In instrumental political participation, the persons aim at achieving definite purposes such as victory in the elections by the political party, enactment of a bill in the legislature or increasing the field of influence of a particular leader. On the other hand, expressive political participation does not have definite objects. It only aims at the satisfaction or the release of a feeling. Some persons vote to achieve the victory of a particular candidate whereas most of the voters vote for the satisfaction on the use of their voting right. In fact, no voting may be mere release of feeling. It has some or the other political aims. Therefore, the above mentioned types of political participation are useful for expressing the relative difference among the participants in political activities.

Political Participation in Authoritarian Systems: The above discussion should not lead us to conclude that political participation is the sign of democracy alone. It is found in some form or other even in non-democratic systems. In the words of T.J. Bellows, S. Eriksson and H.R. Winter, “It is a type of political positivist, which provides support for the regime but enables the individual to avoid the politicization of his whole beings. As a defence mechanism, it seeks to pressure in open of the few ways possible, some form of individual privacy and autonomy.” This apathy is different from democratic apathy. In a democracy two types of persons may be called politically apathetic. Some people do not participate in political activities due to absence of information and lack of interest in the political field. This apathy is not optional. It is generally found in illiterates, lonely and very poor members of society. In a society having predominant influence of male, one finds apathy to the matters concerning the females. However, there is another group political apathy which is willful. For example, some persons decide not to participate in political activities. They do so due to some reaction or thinking it to suit them. In brief, this type of political apathy may be due to the following reasons:

Absence of Reward: The chief cause of political apathy is that, as compared to other human activities, political activity is less rewarded. For example, helping the relatives and friends or gathering means of materials enjoyments providing a satisfaction, it is more than the reward of the political participation. In other words, such a person finds political participation of very low value. This devaluation may be psychological or social. Psychologically the persons who insist upon satisfaction of their biological and psychological needs do not have much interest in political activities. From the social view point, class conflict does not grow in the societies taking economic distinctions, resulting in political apathy and interest in other fields of life.

Consciousness of Political Helplessness: A significant cause of political apathy is the consciousness of political helplessness among some people. In the words of R.A. Duhl, “Citizens who are pessimistic about their capacity to influence political events may eschew politics on the ground that what they do won’t matter anyway. Voters sometimes neglect to vote because they feel that one vote won’t change the outcome, citizens often fail to press their views on public officials because they believe that public officials won’t pay attention to people like themselves.” Thus, whenever the citizens feel that their political activity does not give significant results, they reduce political participation. Such a situation may be seen in India at present. Most of the persons feel that political influence depends upon income, social status, political experience, educational attainment and the personality of the person concerned. In the absence of these factors are may not hope to achieve any political influences. Therefore, the poor, the illiterate, the lowly and people’s deficient in personal qualities are generally apathetic to politics because they cannot hope to be effective in it.

Satisfaction from the Political System: If a person or satisfied the present political system and finds it absolutely efficient and effective, he may be apathetic to political participation. It is due to the belief that the political system will continue even if he does not participate in political activity.

Dissatisfaction from the Political System: On the other hand, if some persons are absolutely disillusioned of a political system, they also leave political participation. In their absolute dissatisfaction, they think that the political system is so corrupt that it cannot be reformed or that they have no power to reform it. Therefore, they think it better to save themselves from corruption, keeping themselves away from politics. Sometimes political apathy becomes an ideology. For example, the Naxalites in India believe that elections do not deliver any good to the people and therefore they consider it a useless political participation.

Answer : According to the theory of power of elite, every society is ruled by a minority that possesses the quality necessary for its ascendency to fall social and political power. Those who get on the top are always the best. They are known as elite. The elite include successful person who rise to the top in every occupation and stratum of society, there is an elite of lawyers, an elite of mechanics and even an elite of thieves and an elite of prostitutes.

According to Pareto, society consists of two classes: (1) At a higher stratum, the elite which is divided into a governing and non-governing elite, and (2) At a lower stratum, the non-elite. The governing elites rules by the mixture of force and cunning but fore is predominating. Pareto further argued that in every society there is an unceasing movement of the individual and the elite from higher to lower level and from lower to higher. Feeling of superiority resulting in a considerable increase of the degenerative elements in the classes which still holds power, and on the other hand, in an increase of elements of superior quality in the subject classes. According to Mosca, in every society there are two classes of people; a class that rules and a class that is ruled. The first class is always less humerous and performs all political functions, monopolizes power and enjoy the advantage that power brings whereas the second, a more numerous class is directed and controlled by the first, in a manner that is more or less legal, now more or less arbitrary and violent.

The emergence of new elite in society can be understood through Pareto's concept of "circulation of elite" supported by Mosca. According to Pareto and Mosca once the ruling elite lost the aptitude to command and to exercise political control and people outside the ruling class cultivated it in larger number, the possibility grew that old ruling class will be deposed and replaced by a new one. Thus, Pareto advanced psychological reason for the change, Mosca attached importance to sociological factor. According to Mosca, new interest and ideals are formulated in the society, new problems arise and the process of circulation of elite is accelerated.

Answer : Authority and Legitimacy are interlinked to each other. Authority is to be considered as legitimate power. Authority is that form of power which orders or articulates the actions of other actors through commands which are affective because those who are commanded regard the commands as legitimate. Authority is therefore by definition legitimate authority. Its effectiveness in controlling the action of those towards whom it is directed is affected by the concurrent operation of other mechanisms. The exerciser of authority and the person who is its object might also have common interests in the attainment of a collective goal such as the winning of a battle or the fulfillment of an economic programme. The exerciser and the object of authority might be linked through solidarity which will be served by their collaboration such as the winning of a game or the improvement in the quality of performance of a university.

Max Weber classified the modes of the legitimation of authority into traditional, rational legal, and charismatic. The traditional mode of legitimation consists in the belief that the institutions of authority are continuous with institutions which have existed for a very long time, or that the exerciser of authority has acceded to the authoritative role by a procedure and in accordance with qualification which have been valid for a very long time or are exercised by him in accordance with a discretionary power which the incumbents, or the predecessors with whom he is legitimate linked, have possessed for a very long time. The rational legal mode of legitimation rests on the belief that the institutional system of the exerciser of authority, the accession of the incumbent to the authoritative role, and the substance and mode of promulgation of the command are in accordance with a more general rule or rules. The charismatic mode of legitimation rests on the belief that the exerciser of authority and the rule or command which he enunciates possess certain sacred properties.

Answer : James C. Davies and Neil J. Smelser have presented two theories which account for a diverse lot of collective behaviour in social situations that lead to social movements. Davies argued that collective outbursts come when a period or economic prosperity is followed by a sudden down-turn in the economy, creating an ‘n tolerable gap’ between what the people expect and what they receive. Davies 'theory has tow shortcomings-the existence of contrary historical examples and the lack of elaboration of the processes involved in mobilizing people as a consequence of the intorable gap.

Smelser defined collective behaviour in social movements as mobilization on the basis of a belief which redefines social action. He used the term ‘value added scheme’ to mean that each of the things which go into causing a particular episode of collective behaviour, further defines and limits what kind of behaviour it will be. Smelser’s scheme, included structural conduciveness, structural strain, the growth and spread of generalized belief, the precipitating factor-such as rumour-mobilization of the participants for action, and the kind of social control present in the situation.

There are six fundamentally different strategies and protest targets-power holding groups that can be used to attain their ends. First, target groups can deal with the situation on a symbolic level, giving an appearance of action taken. A token material response may be made. Target groups may organize and innovate internally in order to blunt the impetus of protest efforts. They may claim their authority is inadequate to solve the problem involved. Postponement is another strategy. Lastly, the protest target may decide to discredit the protesters in the eyes of the reference publics through vilification. To get around these kinds of responses, the protest group must move to the next level of denel of development: forming alliances with other groups.

Answer : Social structure and political participation: Many pluralists have argued that representative government does not require the active participation of the mass of the population. This would appear to be the case if democracies operate as they suggest, with elites representing the interests of the majority. However, the levels of political participation are not uniformly distributed throughout the population. In general the higher an individual’s position in the class structure, the greater his degree of participation.

Voting behaviour is the important aspect of political participation. Lispet has argued that, ‘the combination of a low vote and a relative lack of organization among the low-status groups means that they will suffer from neglect by politicians who will be respective to the wishes of the more privileged, participating and organized strata’. It can be argued that the interests of the lower strata are those least well served by the political system. Rather than reflecting satisfaction with the status quo, low political participation may indicate a rejection of the political process. Seymour Martin Lispet, in connection with the elections in USA has observed on the basic of his research that electors are influenced by class, ethnic and religions consideration. He emphasized that cleavages on the lines exist within the electorate. In India since independence, levels of political awareness and participation have risen among all segments of the population, there in evidence on number of scales such as caste, religion that political mobilization is taking place faster in rural areas than in urban areas. Above described facts represent the interconnections of social structure and political participation.

Answer : Community power refers to distribution of power at the local community level. Floyd Hunter, on the basis of his “Community power structure” in Atlanta concluded that: (i) Atlanta was ruled by conscious and a cohesive group of upper class businessmen (ii) political and civil leaders are subordinated to upper class elite. In reality they enjoy less power and take order from the upper class elite. (iii) Most decisions are taken by the upper class elite to safeguard its interest. (iv) The conflict takes place between the lower classes: On the other hand, the pluralist perspective led by Robert Dahl argued that in a society there are multiple centres of power, none of which is completely sovereign. The context of continuous bargaining process among the elite and also a general consensus established only through the mass approval which is hard to secure. Dahl in his study, ‘Who Governs’?- which contains empirical investigation of the process of decision making in New Haven presents an alternative perspective to the elitist thesis and shows that power actually is distributed pluralistically. In the decision making process, the picks of three categories of political leaders are, “Political Notables,” “Social Notables”, and “Economic Notable”. After the examination, Dahl concluded that the structure of decision making in New Haven is essentially pluralistic.

Answer : A social movement undoubtly involves collective action as distinct from the individual action. However, only, when the collective action is somewhat sustained, as distinct from a sporadic occurance, does it take the form of movement. Socially, a social movement is oriented towards bringing about change, either partly or totally in the existing system of relationship, values and norms. Although, there are efforts towards resisting change and maintaing status quo. The social changes that result from a movement may be seen first in terms of the change in position of the concerned section of a movement and secondly in terms of their impact on wider society. In the context of the latter, a basic distinction has to be made between those social movement which have brought about partly and wholesale change in the structure of relationship and the value underlying them, and efforts which have resulted in marginal changes only aimed at maintaining the status quo. Further movement oriented towards changing values also bring about change in norms specific to situations. In this way, social change and social movment are complementory.

Answer : Most of the sociologists have expressed consensus about three major social conditions, genesis or origin or causes or factors of social movement. These are considered as the motivational forces which give rise to a movement. These are as follows:

(i) Relative Deprivation: Some of the prominent sociologists who are affiliated to this approach are R.K. Merton, Runciman, Marx & Engels, Aberle, Gurr etc. According to this approach if a group, class, community etc realises that their contribution in the society is not less than their counterparts, but in comparison to them, they are not getting life chances or facilitation as they have, then they are hurted by it. R.K. Merton argued that if the expectation is high and means is not proper, it is likely to result is deprivation. Therefore, the incompatibility between the individuals and group's expectation and capacity may result in deprivation which ultimatly give birth to a social movement. Aberle (1966) defined relative deprivation as negtive discrepancy between legitimate expectation and actuality, and treated it as the bedrock for a study of social movement. He analyzed relative deprivation in terms of material possesions, status, behaviour and worth.

Gurr (1970) considered relative deprivation not only in terms of expectation but also in relation to perceived capabilities. He defines relative deprivation as a gap between expectation and perceived capabilities involving three general set of values; economic conditions, political power and social status. The gap may be caused when expectation remains stable and capabilities decline (decremental deprivation); expectation rise but capabilities decline (progressive deprivation); expectation rise while capabilities remain the same (aspirational deprivation).

A point that is conceded by relative deprivation theories is that position of relative deprivation alone will not generate a movement. The structural condition of relative deprivation provide only the necessary condition. Sufficient conditions are provided by the perception of a situation and by the estimate of capabilities by certain leaders that they can do something to remedy the situation. Jharkhand Movement, Uttaranchal Movement, Naxalite Movement, the movement against and for reservation are the examples of relative deprivation movement.

(ii) Structural Strain: This theory was propounded by Neil J. Smelser. Structural strain occurs at different level of norms, values, mobilisation and situational facilities. While strain provides the structural conditions the crystallization of generalised belief marks the attempt of persons under strain to asses their situation and to explain the situation by creating or assembling a generalised belief. Both strain and generalised belief require precipitating factors to trigger off movements. Smelser considered strain as an impairment of relations among parts of a system leading to malfunction of the system.

Wallace (1956) considered social movement as a development out of the deliberate, organised and conscious effort on the part of the members of the society to construct a more satisfying culture for themselves.

(iii) Revitalization: The revitalization theory however, propounded the adoptive process which are implied to establish equilibrium situation. Although social movement develops a positive programme of action, they tend to be double edged. On the one hand, they express dissatisfaction, dissent and protest against existing condition, and on the other hand they offer a positive programme of action to remedy the situation.

As far as carriers of social movement is concerned there are several factors such as role of leadership, ideology and nature of action, on the one hand the degree of deprivation, discontentment and gravity of the problem or situation which play crucial roles. Firstly, without a good leader, the strategy and proper plan of action may not be formulated. A good leader gives a healthy direction to the social movement and motivates and encourages the people. Secondly, the ideology should be very transparent and must consist of the basic objectives of the movement. It is the ethos which guides and charges the people participating in movement. For example the freedom movement of India and the French Revolution of France and the Russian Revolution also, followed a particular ideology and good leadership.

Ideology distinguished social movement from another even though the goal of both may be similar. It also helps to sustain a movement. It distinguishes the social movement from a mere instance. People can be mobilised when they feel that they are being deprived. However, in order to carry on some movement, they need some justification for their action.

The leader of the movement selects different elements of relative deprivation and combines them in different ways to formulate an ideology. The organisational principles are so selected that it depends upon the objective conditions of deprivation. The ideology also provides the source of legitimization of the values, norms and relationships invisaged by the leaders. It provides the basis of interest articulation and of establishing a new indentity. An important aspect of ideology based on relative deprivation is establishing identity in relatin to other groups. Thus, it may be said that both ideology and leadership conceive and sustain social movement.

Answer : The term power simply refers to the strength or capacity to control. Sociologists describe it as the ability of individual or group to fulfill its desires & implement its decisions & ideas. It involves the ability to influence or control the behaviour of others even if against their will. In this way, anyone can exercise power over others. When the power of a person or group is legalized or legitimized, it is known as Authority. In other words, Authority is a legitimate power. Max Weber has argued about three possible sources of authority or legitimacy of the power. The first is the Traditional Authority or traditional source of power. In this type the rulers enjoy personal authority by virtue of their inherited status. Their commands are in accordance with custom & they also process the right to extract compliance from the rule. It is based on the belief in the sacred quality of long standing tradition. This gives legitimacy to those who exercise authority. For e.g. : Monarchial system. Thus, it is a authority which derives its legitimacy from long standing tradition, which enables some to command & compel others to obey. Weber considered this kind of authority as irrational. The second legitimate source of power, according to Weber, is Charismatic. It is the type of authority which is the result of special qualities of leaders who govern or rule in his personal capacity. It is also unstable & temporary. When the original Charisma gets transformed either into traditional authority or rational legal authority, Weber calls it “routinization of charisma.” The third major source of legitimate power is rational legal which is chiefly derived from the established rules or norms of the society. In the bureaucracy such types of power is found.

Answer : Ideology is one of the most important elements, which make a movement. As without an ideology there cannot be a social movement. Which­ever movement we take to ana­lyse, a coherent system of ideology is there, which makes the people move, fight, and see the shape of the things to come. The early 19th century of India saw a spurt of social move­­ments and they all had an ideology.

Ideology as a term is ridden with confusion. It has been defined variously. Marx used it for distorted ideas in defence of the status quo of social system. Mannheim differentiated 'ideology' from 'utopia' to understand it more clearly. Webster's Dictio­nary defines ideology as ‘‘integrated assertions, theories and aims that constitute a socio-political programme’’.

For a clearer view of ideology in context of social movement, we can refer to Geertz's conception of ideology. He viewed it as a system of interacting symbols. It acts as a bridge between source analysis and consequence analysis. According to Geertz, ideology helps to make sense of the environment. For example, Marxist ideology explains the capitalist environment to workers in the workers movement that the system is for all, but their exploitation of Ideology also projects self-image. That is, it helps the participant of the movement project to other sections what they are in their view and how they should be taken by others. Ideology also codifies and organises beliefs, values and myths. It defines aspirations and interests and directs responses to specific social goal.

Thus, without ideology, people would not be aware and would not rise. The sufferers would not be able to understand the basis of their exploitation. Secondly, without ideology people cannot share the same feeling with equal intensity. It is ideology, which makes them think similarly. Moreover, the way they should fight the challenge or the goal for which they should fight is also provided by ideology. And we know, without a well-defined goal and a clearly charted strategy, a movement cannot move one step forward. During the Non-cooperation movement, Gandhijee declared non-violence and Satyagrah as strategy. When the given strategy was discarded and violence was resorted to at Chauri-Chuara, Gandhijee put a break on the movement.

We can illustrate the role of ideology in social movement with the help of some contemporary movements. Naxalbari movement arose in Darjeeling district of West Bengal during 1967-1971. The movement had genesis in the exploitative agrarian class structure represented by jotedari adhiari system. The adhiar or sharecroppers working on the lands of jotedar had to suffer the worst kind of exploitation. The dissatisfaction of the adhiars was tapped by the dissenters of the CPI(M) under the leadership of Charu Majumdar, Kanu Sanyal and others. The ideology of the movement gave the class explanation of exploitation. It saw the existing Congress party government in the state as representative of the fuedal landlords. The strategy to fight the landlords was evolved. It was armed struggle. The participants believed that there was no alternative to armed struggle. The conditions for waging armed struggle were excellent as masses were dissatisfied with the government. The goal under this ideology was transfer of land to the tillers and the end of exploitation. The movement continued from 1967-1971 in several phases. The peasants resorted to arms and indulged in violence. They killed the landlords and confiscated land. Thus, ideology worked as the central and organising component of the movement.

We can take an example of another movement-Women movement. The 70s in India saw emergence of women movement. The genesis of this movement was growing awareness among women, of the gender bias and ineffectiveness of a limited perspective of legislation and education for improving women's position. The ideology of the movement consisted of the idea that welfarist approach to women cannot deliver anything. Rather women should fight issue wise. In pursuance of this ideology, they launched agitation against dowry demands and deaths, against commission of sati and against rape. Women movement in 70s and 80s led to sensitisation of the conscience of the whole nation. Many bills in support of their demands were passed and the environment was made humane to them.

Thus, one can notice that ideology is the key component in social movement. Formulation of ideology is indispensable for the rise, sustenance and success of social movements.

Answer : Pressure group is any organised association of persons with the aim of influencing the policies and actions of governments or simply changing public opinion. It is different from political parties in that it does not seek to become the government. Bharatiya Kisan Union, an organisation of the farmers in northern India is an example of a pressure group.

Pressure group is one of the important units of the democratic polity. Its very existence shows the presence of the pluralism in the political system. That is, the larger the number of pressure groups, the more the power is dispersed and decentralised in the system.

Pressure groups also perform democratic role by aggregating and articulating interests. Each section expresses its interests and builds pressure on the government to deliver the goods. This, first makes the ruler work for the needs and interests of the people. Secondly, as each section organises itself and seeks its share, equality in distribution of resources is made possible. That is, a balance of interests is maintained. This balance of interests further leads to a kind of agreement among all sections of the power holders. Nobody questions the legitimacy of the system. Lastly, as pressure groups represent different sections of society, articulate their interests and influence the government in governance, the participation of all sections in governance is indirectly achieved. Thus, pressure group has a significant role in the working of democracy.

Answer : The concept of social movement and revolution are closely associated and it may be called that both are considered as the two side of the same coin. The social revolution is a type of social movement which seeks to overthrow the existing social system itself and replace it with a greatly different one. For example, the communist revolution in Soviet Russia overthrew the Czarist regime and replaced it with the communist system of production and distribution of goods. According to MacIver, "When a political regime is overthrown by force, in order to impose a new form of the government or a government which proclaims a new policy on some crucial issue, we may call it a revolution". He further says that the assassination of the king or the president or premier would not constitute a revolution if it was inspired by personal motives or were the act of small group of descendent who could not hope to establish an alternative government. A revolution implies a deep schism within the state. It reveals a pathological condition of the individual which shows, by contrast, the physical nature of the political authority." Revolution flourishes where reform is blocked so that revolution remains the only alternative left with the people. It is accompanied by violence, mass-scale killing, use of underground methods and untold suffering, yet the people resort to the revolution because they see no hope. According to J.H. Turner, the above mentioned features of revolution may be traced in the social movement, especially, which he calls "Revolutionary Social Movement". It consists of violence, killing, upheavals and aims to alter the existing order and authority of the society.

The another similarity between the revolution and social movement is the fundamental causes of both are more or less of the similar nature. Both, in the oligarchy state and the democratic society, the religious, social and economic issues are the basic causes of both social revolution and social movement. In an oligarchy, the people have no power, their rights are suppressed. There is the coercion and oppression which take the people to revolution. In a democracy, the religious, social and economic issues may cause it. The same causes are traced for the revolutionary social movement in the oligarchy state and democratic society. However, according to Maclver, in contrast to oligarchies, the democracy is less prone to revolution. In the words of MacIver, A truly democratic state is vastly more secure than an oligarchy against the threat of revolution. The general will is still most important and undeveloped, but at least it is sufficiently real to give a new character to political authority. The formal basis of this authority is no more the division of master and servant but the unity of agent and principal.

It has often been observed that the social movement prepares the ground on which social revolution emerges. In Russia, firstly the social movement was organised to establish the communist government. But when they were not able to realise their goal with the peaceful demonstration, the revolutionary action at the mass level was organised against the feudal or authoritarian rules. The similar instance may be cited in the Indian context. The first war of independence of 1857 was the manifestation of several organised actions or movements against the colonialism. The French and industrial revolution of France and England respectively are the major revolutions of the world, which were surely preceded by the social movement. But we cannot call that the revolution is always manifested by the long trodden desires of the people in general. Sometimes the sudden occurrences of some incident in the society such as the killing of a great leader, some religious or ethical issues pave the way for revolution. In such a circumstance, the two characteristic elements of social movement such as ideology and leadership have very great significance. The wounds to collective conscience may result in revolution and social movement in the society.

Conclusion: Thus, there are more similarities rather than differences found between the social movement and social revolution. Both are correlated and conducive for each other’s occurrences. The social revolution is a type of social movement, not a distinctive concept. There are some differences also. The social revolution or revolutionary social movement often consists of violence, killing and upheavals in the society. But, in fact, the social movements such as Swadeshi and non-cooperation movements of Mahatma Gandhi were non-violent, properly organised with efficient leadership and of the ideological nature. These features are generally not found in the revolution.

Answer : The traditional social structure consists of the authoritarian and monarchial system, landlords and feudal governance. The Charismatic and traditional structure of power have been abolished with the emergence of rational democratic society. In the traditional political system, the importance of religion, custom, folkways constitute the basic ethos of politics which have been reduced by rational and logical democratic set up. Only a few individual or group of elites enjoyed the power in the society. Now power structure has been decentralised. All have right to vote irrespective of caste, creed and race. There were no existence of political parties in the traditional society, but the democratic political system has given birth to a number of national and international parties. The establishment of the welfare state and wide political participation have been mentioned in the agenda of democratic social set-up. The decision making process has been decentralised which was operated by a single individual in the traditional society. The political consciousness among people, the political socialization and political modernisation are the new trends, which hare been established by the democratic countries. The myth and dogma in the tribal and village community particularly in the political life are being gradually replaced by the democratic principle.

Answer : According to Max Weber, power may be defined as "The chance of a man or a number of men to realise their own will in a communal action even against the resistance of others who are participating in the action". Power is therefore, an aspect of social relationship. An individual or group do not hold power in isolation, they hold it in relation to others. Power is therefore, power over others. In terms of Weber's definition, it is simply the degree to which an individual or group can get its own way in social relaionship. This is a very broad definition of power since it enters into every aspect of social life. It extends from parents assigning domestic chores to their children to teach or enforcing discipline in the classroom, from a manager organising his workforce, to a political party enacting legislation. In each case individual or group has power to the degree to which others comply with their will. Many sociologists argues that the 'Political Sociology' is the study of power in the broadest sense. Thus, Dowse and Hughes states that 'Politics' is about "Power". Politics occur when there are differentials in power. In terms of this definition any social relationship that involves power differentials is political. To summarise it can be said that power is the capacity of carrying out one's will despite resistance. It is the relationship between holders of authority and followers of authority. It is participating in decision making. It is not necessary that a man who has power in the one situation will be powerful in other situation. A politician may have power to influence the behaviours of his voters but he may not have any power to influence the behaviour of his colleagues in the parliament.

The extent of power may be known from two things. Firstly, how many people have been influenced in their bahaviour and secondly how many times their behaviour has been influenced. The more the people are influenced for more and more times, the more powerful a leader is. The extent of power of a person may determine the status of a person exercising power. A person like the Prime Minister posseses great status in society because he posseses great power, but sometimes a person may also possess great status independently of his power, for example, Rabindranath Tagore enjoyed great status though he had little power to influence the behaviour of others.

Sociologists have often dintinguished between two forms of power, authority and coercion. Authority is that form of power, which is accepted as legitimate, that is, as right and just, and therefore, obeyed on the basis. Thus, the members of parliament in India and British accept the parliamentary power over those decision, which are lawful. Parliamentary power may be defined as legitimate authority. Coercion is that form of power, which is not regarded as legitimate by those subject to it. Thus, from the point of view of Republican and northern Ireland, the power of the British government may be defined as coercion. In both forms the power is based ultimately on physical force and those who enforce the law are able to resort to physical force whether their power is regarded as legitimate or not.

According to Robert a Dahl "The legitimate power is often called authority". According to Max Weber, Legitimacy is based on the belief and gets obedience from the people. Power is effective only if it is legitimate. According to Dahl “Legitimacy is the quality of rightness, propriety or moral goodness”. All the governments try to prove their act as legitimate and therefore, binding on the people. According to Encyclopedia of social sciences. “Authority is the capacity innate or acquired for exercising ascendancy over a group. It is the manifestation of power and implies obedience to it.”

According to Max Weber there are three sources of political authority viz. traditional, charismatic and legal. The traditional customs and values are the basis of traditional authority. The dynamism of a political leader constitutes the charismatic authority and finally the rational-legal authority is bounded by the parliamentary and organisational rules.

The sanctions of authority consist of the social sanction, economic security and status, sanction of purposes and psychological sanction. Sometimes individual accepts authority because of fear of society. Sometimes, for the economic enhancement, the authority is obeyed. Sometimes, for the efficient functioning of the organisation, authority is obeyed. Senior can impose authority on the junior by virtue of his seniority. This is purely psychological reason.

Thus the power and authority are considered synonyms but, in fact both differ. In words of Lasswel, power become authority when it is legalised. Capacity to issue order is power, whereas authority is established at a point where decisions are taken. Thus, authority is always legitimate whereas power is both legitimate and illegitimate. Authority is based on consent, whereas power is based on force. According to Eric Row, "Power like authority is a means of favourably affecting the behaviour but by might not right. Thirdly, by nature, authority is more democratic than power as it is always legitimate and based on popular support. Fourthly authority reflects ability of a man to get his proposals accepted but power is the capacity of man to change the behaviour of others.

Despite these minor differences the concepts of power and authority are most vital and inseparable elements in politics. They have become central to the study of politics.

Answer : A social movement undoubtedly involves collective action as distinct from the individual action. However, only when the collective action, somewhat sustains, as distinct from a sporadic assurance, does it take the form of movement. This collective action, however, need not to be formally organised. But should be able to create an interest and awaking in a sufficiently large number of people. Hence, a social movement essentially involves sustained collective mobilisation through either formal and informal organisation.

Socially, a social movement is oriented towards bringing about change either partial or total in the existing system of relationship, values and norms. However, there are efforts towards resisting change and maintaining status quo.

When the prevailing value system and normative structure does not meet the aspiration of the people, the society faces strain. What happens this time is that a new value system is sought which may replace the old.

According to Smelser (1962) structural strain is the underlying factor leading to collective behaviour. Structural strain occurs at different levels of norms, values, mobilisation and situational facilities while strain provide the structural condition. The crystallisation of generalised belief marks the attempt of person under strain to assess their situation and to explain the situation by creating or assembling a generalised belief. Both strain and generalised belief require precipitating factor to trigger off movement. Smelser analysis of genesis of social movement is in structural functional framework. Smelsers considers strain as an impairment of relation among parts of a system leading to malfunctioning of the system, and include deprivation under strain.

According to Wallace (1956) the social movement develops out of deliberate, organised and conscious efforts on the parts of member of a society to construct a more satisfying culture for themselves. Wallace analysed the dynamic of revitalisation movement in a four-phase period of cultural stability. Period of increased stress, period of cultural distortion, consequent disillusionment and period of revitalisation. Thus, change in the value system, institutions, kinship relationship and the pattern of cultural goals and improper means to it are the conducive situations for the genesis of social movement in the society.

One of the important theories of social movement is the relative deprivation theory, which has developed on two different line: social mobility and social conflict. The former line of development is represented by Merton (1966). Although the author of "American Soldier" (1949) was the first to use the notion of relative deprivation. It was Merton who systematically developed the concept in relation to reference group theory. Merton applied the concept to study the social mobility. Later, Runciman following Merton developed the concept in relation to reference group and problem of inequality and social justice. In his approach, relative deprivation is made as the basis of study of social mobility as occurring through emulation and positive reference group behaviour.

As against this approach Marx and Aberle developed the concept of relative deprivation emphasizing the element of conflict. Marx and Engels (1973) recognised that dissatisfaction with the status quo was not determined by absolute condition but by relative expectation. Alberle (1966) defines relative deprivation as negative discrepancy between legitimate expectation and actuality and treated it as the bedrock for a study of social movement. He analysed relative deprivation in terms of material possession, status, behaviour, and worth.

Gurr (1970) introduced several clarifications on the concept of relative deprivation not only in terms of expectation but in relation to perceived capabilities. He defines relative deprivation as a gap between expectation and perceived capabilities involving three general set of values; economic condition, political power and social status. The gap may be caused when expectation remains stable and capabilities decline, (decremental deprivation) expectation risess but capabilities decline (progressive deprivation); expectation rises while capabilities remain the same; (aspirational deprivation).

A point that is conceded by relative deprivation theory is that a position of relative deprivation alone will not generate a movement. The structural condition of relative deprivation provides only the necessary condition. Sufficient condition is predicted by the perception of a situation and by the estimate of capability by certain leader that they can do something to eliminate the situation. Jharkhand Movement, Uttranchal Movement, Naxalite Movement, the movement against and for the reservation are the examples of relative deprivation movement.

Answer : A social movement may be defined as "a collectively acting with some continuity to promote or resist a change in the society or group of which it is a part". According to Anderson and Parker social movement is "a form of dynamic pluralistic behaviour which progressively develops structure through time and aims at partial or complete modification of the social order". Lundberg and others define social movement as" a voluntary association of people engaged in concerned effort to change attitudes, behaviour and social relationship in a larger society". Thus, social movement is the effort by an association to bring about a change in the society. A social movement may also be directed to resist a change. Some movement are directed to modify certain aspect of existing social order whereas others may aim to change it completely. The former are called reform movement and the latter is known as revolutionary movements. The social movement may be categorized as religious movement, expressive movement, reactionary movement etc. Some of the important theories of social movement are relative deprivation theory, structural strain theory etc. The social unrest is the basic cause of social movement which may be caused by cultural drift, social disorganisation, social injustice etc. The nature of ideology and role of leadership play crucial roles in the success of social movement.

Answer : One of the characteristic features of the traditional social structure is the feudal system around the world, in general and Varna or caste system in India, in particular. The essence of feudality refers to the dominance and concentration of power in a few hands known as Lords. On the other hands the Serfs enjoy no authority, but are suppressed and imposed by the will of Lords. Similarly, in India, the entire society has been divided into four varna; The Brahmin, the Rajanya, the Vaishya, and the Shudra. The first two, Brahmin and Rajanya enjoy all the socio-political and economic power. In the decision making process they have rather advancement over the Vaishya and Shudra. The Vaishya and Shudra have been put at the low level of status hierarchy respectively. They are quietly deprived of the social and political rights. The another feature of traditional social structure is the dominance of religion in the politics. The charismatic leader and Godman were considered as the angel and hence their will were unanimously accepted by the people. The king who was considered the supreme authority commands the entire power and authority of the society. The inheritance of traditional position and ascribed status particularly among the elite and dominated group were prevalent.

The world "Democracy" is a combination of two word "Demos" and 'Cracy' which means will of the people. The essential elements of the democratic political system are the governance according to will of the people, election, rationality, emergence of political party etc. In the modern, industrial capitalist society of the world, the democratic political set up has been adopted by all the countries except some such as China and Germany. In India, in the recent time the political system has been more democratised with the decentralisation of political power at the grass root level called Village Panchayat. In the decision making process, the people belonging to different segments of the society make equal share. The government has provided reservation or special opportunity to the traditionally deprived section of the society such as ST, SC and OBC.

The ethos of democracy in India is based on to a great extent on the traditional value system and characteristics of the Indian society and culture such as unity in diversity, secularism, etc. The Varna or Caste system and religious fundamentalism in the recent time have negatively affected the process of democratisation in the country. The association of several Christian leaders in the recent time has put a question mark on the secular tradition of Indian democracy. The religious convergence around the world, particularly to Chriastainity may not be included as the factor of growth rather it may be treated as a hampering factor in the growth and development of a democratic world. The data shows that the traditionally dominated community, caste, group, class etc. are still representing heavly in the democratic society who are trying to maintain their dominance and position by violating the dignity of the democracy. The criminalisation of politics, unfair means in the election, influence of religious Godman etc., are getting to establish a new trend in the society.

The different political parties are constituted on different racial and religious ideologies. The establishment of consensus among them is difficult. One of the main purpose of democracy is the to establish a welfare state which may not be realised until all the political parties follow the ideas of rationality and securalism.

Conclusion: The traditional features and value system of the society have maintain both the continuity and change. The emergence of racial conflict and religious fundamentalism are the negative areas of concern whreas the inclusion of rationality and modern value have positive impact on the new democratic world. There is the need to abolish those traditional elements which are not conducive to the democracy. At the same time we cannot eliminate all the traditional elements because some among them are considered as the backbone of the democracy.

Answer : The Reformative Social Movement may be identified with partial change in the value system and consequential change in the quality of relationship. Often reform are associated with belief system, world views, outlook, rituals and style of life of the affected group. Indian history abounds with example of reform movements. The Bhakti movement during the medieval India, socio- religious reform movements like Brahmo Samaj and Arya Samaj etc. during British India are some of the important examples. Jonathan Turner has pointed out that in 1972, in America, Mary Wallstonecraft had launched women movement to enhance their status. Some of the eminent personalities who launched reformative movement in India were Raja Ram Mohan Rai, Swami Dayanand Saraswati, Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar, Ram Krishna Paramhans, Jyotiba Phule etc. The ideology of Brahmo Samaj, Prarthana Samaj. S.N.D.P. etc., was based on rationality and modern values. The occurrence of reformative social movement is considered progressive for the society. It brings positive changes in the society. The modern democratic world is the sum total of the gradual process of reform through movements. This movement is chiefly aimed at eliminating social evils and those customs, folkways, mores and social practices which creates obstacles in the way of individual and social development.

Answer : The political elite may be defined as a group of high stratum decision makers in political structure which monopolises political power, influences major political policies and occupies all important positions in political command. In the present day India, political elite includes the members of Central and State legislature, important leaders of All India and State level parties and individuals of the political influence. According to Prof. Yogendra Singh, the traditional elite structure of Indian society remains authoritarian, monarchical feudal and charismatic, oriented towards the preservence of status quo. With the emergence of rational legal bureaucratic and democratic process, the political elites who were mostly from the dominant Brahmin and Rajput caste, started to lose their power and dominance. The new elite was deeply influenced by the Western ideology of liberal humanism, democracy, egalitarianism, industrialism and above all nationalism. This new elite is rooted in the social structure based on the upper castes. The new political elite in India is largely rural based, has a parochial outlook and is conscious of its regional and ethnic identity. Now the political elites also consist of the traditionally untouchable castes. Their political representation and right have been reserved.

Answer : Under the 73rd and 74th Constitutional amendment act, the power structure of the democratic polity has been further decentralised; that is power is distributed at the various levels and large number of people have a share in the decision-making process. Power has been endowed to the Panchayati Raj at the village level in the rural areas and Nagarpalika or Nagar Nigam in the urban areas. The case studies of the functioning of the Panchayati Raj in the Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh have pointed out positive changes. In the insurance of clean drinking water, rural sanitation, animals, health, agricultural know-how, PDS and other rural development programmes, the panchayats, block councils and district councils are playing favorable roles, except few dysfunctions. Similarly in the urban areas, especially in the metropolitan, areas, prostitution, crime, sanitation, pollution, security etc are the major problems in which the Nagarpalika and Nagar Nigam with the association with bureaucrats and police administration is playing remarkable roles.

Answer : Religion is an integral factor in the existing state of social consciousness in our society. Religion provides an identity of being part of a community to all those who believe in the same religion. It is perceived and believed that those who belong to the same religion have a certain common identity. It is this belief in commonality which is used for communal mobilisation. Such an identity can be manipulated for purposes of power at various levels. The increasing efforts at communalization are a part of this process, i.e., manipulation of religious consciousness to serve the interests of certain political parties. The mobilization of sections of society on the basis of religious beliefs for purpose of power is central to the intensification of fundamentalism today.

Let us see how social consciousness based on religion is used for political purposes in India. The political parties of the pre and post-independence periods fall into two categories, in relation to their linkages with fundamentalism. First, parties organised around communal ideologies like the Hindu Maha Sabha & the Muslim League during the pre-independence period and the BJP, the Akali Dal and the Muslim league in contemporary India. The second type is parties which use fundamentalism for political support and mobilization without necessarily adopting communalism as their political ideology.

The various ways adopted for igniting fundamentalism by the political parties are premised on the dormant communitarian feeling which could be activated. The two components of this dormant consciousness are religion and religious communities. The fundamentalist forces are today engaged in reinforcing and activating the religious and communitarian identities. These identities need not necessarily be fundamentalist. An identify belonging to a religion need not necessarily be against another religion. At a suitable social and political conjecture, community consciousness could be transformed into an antagonistic communal consciousness or religious fundamentalism. Secularism is the dream of a minority which wants to shape the majority in its own image, which wants to impose its will upon history but lacks the power to do under a democratically organized polity. In an open society, the state will reflect the character of the society. Social dynamics brings about informed changes and one has to continuously endeavour to apply the core-values of religion to the newly developing situations. That is what the fanatics refuse to do. In the Islamic societies, the women have suffered most by this finaticl refusal to admit change, and such fanaticism has brought only ridicule.

No society escapes fanaticism, not even western societies. The concept of fundamentalism is in fact the product of modern American society. Some Christians, during the 1930s, believed in the literal truth of the Bible & they were called fundamentalists. It is thus a western concept that is applied to certain religions movements in Asia. Hinduism, a religion of amorphous nature, quite unlike Islam or Christianity, supposedly much more tolerant, also could not escape this fate. It produced fanatic who considered it their religious duty to demolish Babri Mousque. Their tolerance was at its lowest and their behaviour totally irrational. Their fanaticism brought a great deal of shame to the entire country. Although such fundamentalism was induced through high pitched political propaganda, the fact still remains that those hordes who demolished Babri Mousque behaved as most exited zealots out to destroy the place of work of others.

Also, a large number of trishul wielding sadhus joined in the despicable act. A sadhu is supposed to be highly restrained and capable of self-control because he achieves sadhuhood through years of spiritual exercise and meditation. Unfortunately, they also behaved like an agitated mob showing a high degree of fanaticism.

Similarity, the Buddhist monks in Srilanka showed a strong-trait of fanaticism and put pressure on the government not to give concessions to the Tamil community. If one goes by the Buddha’s teachings, it is most rational, open and tolerant. There are no theological dogmas of any kind as far as Buddhism is concerned. Yet the Buddhist monks behaved like fanatics and contributed to the ethnic violence in Srilanka. Religious fundamentalism leads to strong feelings of self-righteousness and feelings of ‘othernesses’ towards followers of other faiths. It leads to the belief that truth is the role monopoly of one’s own religion. In other words, it leads to the feeling of theological superiority. Be it Iran, Algeria, Egypt or India, fundamentalist extremism breaks out in urban areas. The rural society in the third world is rooted and integrated in a traditional outlook and religious values. Also, unlike the urban society, life in the rural society is simple and untouched by communalism. The educated unemployed are also less and the impact of globalization is also comparatively less.

Religious fundamentalism breeds in democratic society also, although its intensity may vary and its impact may be more diffused as there is space for protest. Fundamentalism has both religious and political dimensions. Globalization and westernization result in bull dozing of the local religious identifies and consequently a strong urge is triggered for re-emphasizing and re-asserting religious values. This leads to religious revivalism.

Establishment of a secular polity in a traditional society leads to an image for re-imposition of a rule based on the Shariert or Dharma-shashtras. With this view, a political movement is launched by the traditional religious elite. This is a political dimension of fundamentalism. The only redeeming factor seems to be the fact that in a democratic polity, a protest movement has a much greater possibilities of finding a democratic expression and hence a lesser tendency of becoming violent.

Violence can be handled by the democratic rules only when they are confident of their position during the next elections or when they have the will. Pressure from below may be enormous and the democratically elected governments may lose their nerve. It was witnessed in India both during the Shah Bano case and Ramjanmabhoomi movements. In a multi-religious society, the majority- minority syndrome may utilize such fundamentalist incidents.

This is precisely what happened during the Ramjanmabhoomi movement. It was directed against the minority community. The movement had both religious and political dimensions. It did kindle a religious favour among a large section of Hindus for building a temple for Ram at Ayodhya. As traditional values and identities were being undermined in the impact of modernization and westernization, the Ramjanmabhoomi movement could easily revise the religious favour to capture political power. It targeted the biggest religious minority to consolidate the Hindu votes and thus greatly increased its representation in the Parliament. But thanks to the resistance of our secular democratic polity, this religious favour could not be politically exploited indefinitely.

The Muslim mass too has developed a new awakening, and no religious-political movement on the scale of the Shah Bano movement can be launched by the fundamentalist forces. This was possible only because of democratic space & political residence. It can be seen that communal conflicts arising out of religious fundamentalism have enraged due to democratic competition for controlling political on economic power. In all such conflicts, it is a universal rule that minorities suffer more than the majority.

Answer : The 73rd and the 74th constitutional amendments have opened the door for democratic decentralisation in India. The question of division of power among institutions and individuals has been a matter of considerable debate among the people involved in governance. Decentralisation means sharing of decision making authority with the lower level in institutions and organisation. It is called democratic as this sharing is based on the basic principle of democracy and democratisation. There are different forms of decentralisation-political, administrative and financial.

It is argued that decentralisation is essential for the functioning of a democratic system and social mobilisation of various sections of the society at different levels. It helps to empower social groups which traditionally have been weak and deprived. Decentralisation is particularly necessary for a country like ours which is large in size and complex in socio-cultural settings. Diversity exists in India in terms of religion, language, culture and economy. Thus, this geographical and social complexities require decentralisation for the purposes of planning and administration.

The growth of Panchayat in India as a self-governing institution has not been steady in the course of its long history. However, the ideals of Panchayat were revived when Mahatma Gandhi arrived on the national political scene. Gandhiji asserted that the village Panchayats would now be a living force in a special way, and India would almost be enjoying self-government-suited to its requirement. Accordingly, the idea of Panchayat as a system of local government remained an important issue in India's freedom struggle. But when the country became independent the Panchayat of Gandhi's vision did not acquire a central place in the Indian constitution. It was merely included in Article 40 under the Directive Principles of the State Policy. Article 40 says,' the state shall take steps to organise village Panchayats and endow them with such powers and authority as may be necessary to enable them to function as units to local self-government".

In India the 73rd and 74th constitutional amendments have given a new approach to development and social change. The amendments aim at democratic decentralization and self-governance. Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs) were set up four decades ago to make real the basic conviction that village Panchayats could play a major role in social transformation. Thus PRIs have been the prime instruments of decentralization at the grass roots in India. This 73rd constitutional Amendment Act 1992, which came into effect on 24th April 1993, empowers the PRIs and ensures democratic decentralisation in rural area. For the first time an attempt was made to involve the rural masses in the task of national development and reconstruction coupled with empowerments of the weaker sections of the rural society. The Panchayati Raj system envisages political and administrative decentralization as embodied in the 73rd constitutional amendment. It aims at greater participation and more autonomy to the people in the management of their own affairs. Decentralisation can be one of the best ways of empowering people, promoting public participation, increasing efficiency and accountability.

In fact, the 73rd amendment act has a kind of motivation of social mobilisation in rural India. It is because of the fact that

1. It recognises Panchayats an 'institutions of self-government'.
2. It entrusts Panchayats the power and responsibilities to prepare a plan for economic development and social justice.
3. It provides for the establishments of uniform three-tier system of strong Panchayats at village, intermediate (block/taluka) and district levels for all states having a populations of over twenty lakh.
4. It gives guidelines for the structure, power and functions, finance and elections, and reservation of seats for the weaker sections at various levels of Panchayats.
5. The constitution (73rd Amendment) Act has been hailed as a revolutionary step towards estabilishing grass-root democracy.

Add to it, a provision has also been made to constitute Panchayats in some urban areas. In order to provide a common framework for urban local bodies as effective democratic unit of self government, Parliament enacted the constitution (74th Amendment) Act, in 1992 relating to municipalities. The act received the assent of the president on 20 April 1993. Like rural Panchayats, the Act has made provisions for making these bodies effective and strong.

Our discussion so far clearly suggests that the Panchayati Raj Institutions have assumed an important place in our democratic political structure. They are playing a significant-role in achieving democratic decentralisation. The pace of socio-economic development is the rural areas and the level of people's participation in these affair has increased. All this has made us realise the process of self-governance at the grass root level through this system.

The access of weaker sections to rural decision making has been legally ensured. It has enlarged the social base of the Panchayati Raj. The reservation has sought to empower women to highlight their grievances. In fact, reservation has made Panchayats more representative of the village community. At the same time, it creates a kind of awareness of social mobilisation among the weaker sections of the society. Hence, social change occurs only when all sections of society actively participate in the decision making process of it.

Answer : The pluralist society of India is composed of many religious groups; however, these groups are further divided into various sub-groups. Hindus are divided into sects like Arya Samajis, Shivites, Sanatanees and Vaishnavas while Muslims are divided into Shias and Sunnis on the one hand, and Ashrafs (aristocrats), Azlafs (weavers, butchers, carpenters, oilmen) and Arzals on the other. Strained relations between Hindus and Muslims have existed for a long time, whereas some Hindus and Sikhs have started viewing each other with suspicion only during the last fifteen years or so. Although in few states, some conflicts between Hindus and Christians and Muslims and Christians exist too, yet, by and large, Christians in India do not feel deprived or exploited by other communities. Among Muslims, Shias and Sunnis too bear prejudicial attitudes towards each other.

Communal tension has increased quantitatively and qualitatively and ever since politics came to be communalized. Gandhi was its first victim followed by the murder of many persons in the 1970s and the 1980s. Following destruction of Babri structure in Ayodhya in December 1992, and bomb blasts in Bombay in early 1993, communal riots in Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu, Bihar, Uttar Pradesh and Kerala have considerably increased. While some political parties tolerate ethno-religious communalism, a few others even encourage it.

After independence, though our government claimed to follow “socialistic pattern of economy” yet in practice the economic development was based more on capitalist pattern. In this pattern, on the one hand the development has not occurred at a rate of where it could solve the problems of poverty, unemployment and insecurity which could prevent frustration and unhealthy competition for scarce jobs and other economic opportunities, and on the other hand, capitalist development has generated prosperity only for certain social strata leading to sharp and visible inequality and new strains and social anxieties. Those who have benefitted or have gained, have their expectations soar even higher. They also feel threatened in their newly gained prosperity. Their relative prosperity arouses the social jealously of those who fail to develop or who decline in power and prestige. They feel that any rise in social scale of the minority community will threaten their social domination. Thus, feeling of suspicion and hostility on the part of both the communities continuously foster the growth of communal tension in India. Particularly, communalism makes a ready appeal to the urban poor and the rural unemployed whose number has grown rapidly as a result of top sided economic and social development and large scale migration to cities. The social anger and frustration of these rootless and impoverished people often find expression in spontaneous violence whenever opportunity arises. A communal riot provides a good opportunity for this. But this economic analysis is not considered objective by many scholars.

In addition to it, the social factors responsible for communal tension in India include social traditions, stereotyped images of religious communities, caste and class ego or inequality and religion based social stratification. The economic factors include economic exploitation and discrimination of minority religious communities, their lop-sided economic development, inadequate opportunity in competitive market, non-expending economy, displacement and non-absorption of workers of minority religious groups, and the influence of gulf money in provoking religious conflict and soon.

Measures to meet the challenge of communalism and communal tension can be at two types: long term and short term. The long-term remedy lies: firstly, in initiating the process of de-communalizing the people at the levels. Secondly, communalization of the state and of the political elite in power has to be checked because it leads to inaction against communal tension. Thirdly, the communization of civil society also needs to be checked because it leads to more communal tensions and other forms of communal violence. Fourthly, the role of education, particularly emphasizing value-oriented education both in schools and colleges/universities, is important in preventing communal feelings. Teaching of history along scientific lines in educational institutions has to be a basic element in any ideological struggle against communalism. Fifthly, the media can also prove to be significantly useful in preventing communal feelings. Communal press can be banned and legal action can be taken against communal writers. Sixthly, the ideology that economic development, industrialization, growth of capitalism and the growth of the working class would automatically weaken and ultimately eliminate communalism should not be overplayed.

Some immediate measures are imperative for containing communalism and communal tension: Firstly, peace committees can be set up in which individual belonging to different religious communities can work together to spread goodwill and fellow feeling and remove feeling of fear and hatred in the riot affected areas. Secondly, the state has to plan and use new strategies in dealing with communal violence. Thirdly, the role of media is immensely heightened during the course of communal tensions. Lastly, the government in power has to treat the extremist communal outfits as its immediate targets and cripple their capacity to disrupt law and order. But, social scientists and intellectuals have to evince serious interest in controlling the national malaise of communalism and in related issues like religious violence, separatism, secessionism and terrorism.

Answer : Oxford Dictionary of Sociology defines pressure groups as groups of persons, employers, or other organizations joining together to represent the interests of a particular sectional groups-vis-a-vis governments, the public at large or other interest groups. Pressure groups are interest groups but not all interest group can subsume pressure groups. The pressure groups have lucid goal of mobilizing public opinion in support of their aims and pressurize the decision making bodies to agree to and support their demands, be they for continuation of the state of affairs or for some change or innovation. There are various kind of association viz social cultural bodies which are interest groups but not pressure groups. The pressure groups necessarily seek to influence policy making process whereas interest group limits itself to legislators, executive judiciary etc.

The basic fact is that pressure groups are private associations formed to influence public policy. Its aim is to uphold their interests by trying to influence government. The pressure groups that are most easily identified are those with formal organizations, such as labour unions, farm associations, and business and professional groups. This is a general case everywhere as also in India. In India, however, informal unorganized groups often play an important part in political decision-making too. Among these unorganized groups-variously labelled “latent”, “potential”, or “non-associational-are cultural and ethnic groups socio-economic classes, occupational groups with or without formal structures (peasants, workers, industrial managers, students), and such broad social categories as consumers. Informal groups seldom use money, members, and the organization to support their claims. Nevertheless, policy-makers, recognizing the potential organisational and electoral strength of these informal groups, are likely to consider their interests even though they lack formal organization and means of expression.

Following are some of the leading groups in India: (a) Agrarian groups: (i) All India Kisan Sammelan, (ii) All India Kisan Sabha, (iii) Hind Kisan Panchayat, (iv) United Kisan Sabha, (v) Revolutionary Peasants Convention, and most important of them all, (vi) Bhartiya Kisan Union. (b) Business groups: (i) Federation of the Indian chambers of commerce and industry (FICCI), (ii) All-India Manufacturers Organisation (AIMO), (iii) Hind Mazdoor Sabha, (iv) United Trade Union Congress-CPI (Marxist-Lenin), (v) Hind Mazdoor Parisha (BJP influenced)

In brief, the post-independence era of Indian politics witnessed the existence of a large number of active and passive pressure groups. Those functioning may broadly be divided into four categories.

1. Institutional pressure groups.
2. Associational pressure groups.
3. Non-Associational pressure groups, and
4. Anomie pressure groups

In a developing country, like India, institutional interest groups may occupy, powerful positions in the political system for varied reasons, e.g., (a) possession of an organizational base; (b) existence of a limited number of associational pressure groups or their ineffectiveness in action; (c) because they are part and parcel of the governmental process; or (c) because they represent the interest of varied groups in the society. The most important pressure groups of this type in India are: the Congress Working Committee, the Congress Parliamentary Board, the chief ministers’ club, the central election committee, the Bureaucracy and the Army. Associational pressure groups are the specialized structure for interest articulation, e.g., trade unions, organisation of businessmen or industrialists, ethnic associations, organized by religious dominations and civilian groups. Trade unions are evaluator organizations of workers formed to promote and protect their interests by collective action.

By non-associational interest, we have in mind kinship, ethnic, regional, religious and caste groups, which articulate interests informally through individual cliques, family and religious heads and the like. Some important non-associational groups are the following. Communal and religious groups, caste groups, Gandhian groups, language groups, the syndicate and the ideological left and young turks.

Anomic pressure groups are the characteristic feature of several developing countries and it is not a new phenomenon in Indian politics. By anomic pressure groups we mean more or less a spontaneous breakthrough into the political system from the society such as riots, demonstrations, assassination and the like. Thus use of violence and some radical extra-constitutional means by the organized groups is known as anomic behaviour.

The tendency of political pressure groups to resort to coercion to secure the solution of a socio political problem in the streets could be regarded as a serious threat to the democratic set up. The phenomenon of mass violence has to some extent undermined the frail democratic structure in the country. It appears that defiance of government has become a normal tendency of Indian political culture. Occasions are not entirely unknown when even leaders of the party in power have actually engineered such demonstrations as in a calculated bid to have themselves heard and recognized in the process of decision making. Thus public protests are inevitable and will grow more and more under parliamentary governments because they have become fetters on the concrete democratic rights of the vast majority of the masses.

Answer : In India regionalism is one of the heavy weights on political system. Not just today but even before independence, regionalism was used as a tool by the British imperialists to promote their policy of keeping India divided. Regionalism was deliberately encouraged by many with the result that the people of each region thought more in terms of their region rather than that of India as a whole. Bengalis, Gujaratis, Marathis, Punjabis and what not were made conscious that they were with the sons of the soil and they should care for the development of their own region rather than that of the country as a whole.

Regionalism in India has assumed various forms and found in more than one way. Regionalism in this context is understood to mean as the feelings of the people and their love more for their own region than for the country as a whole. This is of course, a narrow and sectarian outlook but definitely more appealing for the people of that region. When touched and exploited it becomes a sensitive issue.

Regionalism in India has found expression broadly in three forms namely: (a) secession from the Indian Union; (b) Demands for a separate statehood; (c) Inter-state disputes an extreme form of regionalism in which the region demands that it wants to break away from the Indian Union and wants to become purely independent state, having nothing to do with the Indian Union. For e.g. DMK in Tamil Nadu, Akali Dal in Punjab and Mizos and Nagas in the North-East of India. Another form i.e. demand for a separate statehood, in which regionalism has found an expressions in India is that some of the areas have been demanding separate state, where the people of the area could develop their culture and language. Third form of regionalism in India has found expression in the form of inter-state disputes. Each state has a tendency to have maximum resources at its disposal, so that the state can be fully developed.

Answer : According to Donald Smith “A secular state is one which guarantees individual and corporate, freedom of religion, deals with the individual as a citizen irrespective of his religion, is not constitutionally conneted to a particular religion, nor does it seek to promote or interfere with the religion”. M. N. Srinivas writes, “The term “secularisation” implies process that was was previously regarded as religious is now ceasing to be such and it also implies a process of differentation which result in the various aspect of society, economic, political, legal and moral, becoming increasingly discrete in relation to each other.” The ideology of secularism is the basic feature of Indian society or Constitution. As India is a multi-cultural society, the ideology of secularism is conducive for its growth. Thus, the ideology is itself is not weak, but weakness is inherent in our attitudes, political system, social values, religion etc.

The intermixing of religion and politics is largely hampering the distant goal of ensuring secular social order. Just as modern political system strives to modernise the traditional society so also the traditional social system tries to traditionalise the modern political system.The religion is increasingly becoming inseparable from politics where by political leaders including those occupying constitutional offices freely lend support to growth of religious consciousness leading to communal riots in Meerut, Muradabad, Aligarh, Hyderabad, Bombay, Delhi and recently in Godhara and Gujarat are the manifestation of the growth of religious consciousness and decline of secularism in society. The recent politicisation of “Babri Masjid vs Ram Janma Bhoomi”, issue and spread of religious terrorism to Jammu and Kashmir are further indicators of growing communalism as a result of religion based politics and they are the pointers to a gloomy future for the growth of secularism in Indian society. Thus, Indian secularism has come to mean the freedom of religion in society but not freeing of society from religion.

After independence, the value of secularism was attacked several times by the communal forces inside and outside the country. The ideology of Hindutwa often clashes with the other religious ethos. For example, on the conversion issue, the Christian community has been variously attacked by the govt and people also. If we are claiming a secular state, then we should not interfere whether the people are believing in that faith. The conversion is not often forceful. Many people willingly accept the other faith. Pakistan sponsored terrorism in India has also promoted mutual rivalary and tension among the Muslims and Hindus. The Hindu minority especially Kashmiri Pandits are attacked by the terrorists.

The role of religious headmen in provoking ethnic attitudes is gradually gaining currency. They are also closely, directly or indirectly affiliated to a political party. Thus, politics and religion mixes which is harmful to both. Secondly, the minority community in India is facing several socio-economic and political problems due to which they think that in the Hindu dominated society they are exploited and alienated. Therefore, a large number of youth from this community are involved in anti-social or criminal behaviour. On the other hand, caste-based politics by some regional and national political party has also backed the anti-secular trends in India.

To conclude, it may be assumed that the weakness is inherent in our social structure and value and our way of thinking and doing. The anti-secular attitudes of religious godmen, politicians, caste groups and terrorist organisations are largely disturbing our peace, harmony and secular heritage. The ideology of Hindutwa should be rationally interpreted and in application must be secular. The politics should be detached from religion and caste. Most of the communal riots are backed by political leaders. We should take lesson from man. The “Ram Janambhumi-Babri Masjid issue” should be dealt in a democratic way, any ethinic and conservative action may lead to communal tension.

Answer : The Panchayati Raj institution was introduced under the 73rd constitutional amendment Act-1992 to decentralise power and to ensure democracy at the grass-root or village level of our nation. To ensure equal participation of different caste, class, community, section, gender etc. the provision of reservation was made so that all may equally participate in the decision making and policy formulation process. There is a provision of one-third reservation of seats for the Scheduled Caste/Tribe and the similar number of seats for women including Scheduled Caste/Tribe women. Even the office of the chairpersons are reserved for the Scheduled Caste/Tribe and women. In actual practices, the SC, ST and women, in spite of reservation, are not actively participating at the Gram Sabha and Panchayat level. Some of the reasons of it are illiteracy, traditional Varna system, dominance of local upper castes and lack of consciouness. The local dominant castess and administration are not willing to lose even the smallest amount of their power. The consequences of these attitudes are visible in the malafunctioning of the desired structure and functions of Panchayati Raj in several parts of the counntry. Secondly, the SC, ST and women are very illiterate. They even don’t know their basic constitutional rights and duties. Their ignorance is also proving a barrier in this direction. Thus, reservation has become end in itself not the means to an end.

Answer : The idea of decentralisation is inherent in democracy. It is democratic decentralisation which aims at associating people with the government to the maximum possible extent. It simply aims at breakdown of the centralised power structure and participation of common people in the decision making and policy formulation process. There are so many objectives of the decentralisation. The political objective consists of promotion of democracy at the grassroot level and the transfer of power to the people for the purpose of civil service. The institutional objectives consist of improving the rural and urban administration in terms of responsiveness to local problems and effectiveness in dealing with them. Second is to ensure autonomy and accountability in local affairs and encouraging private and non-governmental organisation for public function. Thirdly, the economic objective of democratic decentralisation refers to efficiency in production and delivery of local public goods and services, internationalisation of local benefit and cost, better matching of residential preference and public service provided and to enhance the local government's capacity to implement civic programme.

Thus, the democratic decentralisation is a political idea and the local self-government is its institutional manifestation. The urge for decentralisation has come from many sources. Firstly, it has been promoted by the need to deliver basic public goods like food, housing, water from local unit of administration. The administration has to penetrate in the rural areas and it needs to be decentralised in response to regional diversities. In this way decentralisation would facilitate the local planning and development with the help of local resources. From the political point of view the local participation in the developmental activities will have the way for meaningful articultation of local demands. Thus, decentralisation is executed to release local energies and enlist local support for development activities. In this way, the local community can steadly attain political and administrative maturity.

The institutional manifestation of democratic decentralisation in India can be seen in terms of organisations like municipality or Nagarpalika in urban areas and Panchayati Raj in Rural areas. The enactment of 73rd amendment act on April 24, 1993, gave an impetus to the concept of local self-government in the rural area which till then suffered from lack of constitutional protection. The 73rd amendment which finally came into being in April 1994 consists of following features:

1. Establishment of panchayat at three or two levels and a Gram Sabha in each village was made mandatory.
2. Tenure of PRI was fixed as five years, i.e. every five year, direct election of all members at three panchayat levels was made mandatory.
3. While election of chairman at the intermediate and district level was to be indirect, election of the chairman at the village level was left to the state government to decide.
4. The list of 29 functions was provided to panchayat. These related to rural development, infrastructure, social welfare, public distribution system, maintenance of community assets etc.
5. Seats were reserved for SC, ST and women at all three levels of panchayats.
6. Finance commission was set up to devolve funds and suggest ways of financing panchayat.

There are several other features also. The positive consequences of these change after making the amendment in 1993 are supposed to be: (1) structural change regarding direct election at all three levels (2) increasing power of Panchayat and financial resources will improve the position of the panchayat. (3) The new structure will enable panchayats to contribute to planning from below, mobilise local resources, evolve large scale community participation, reduce corruption and improve the quality of development efforts.

Some of the non-seriousness attitude in the panchayati raj institution are: (1) Bureaucrats are unwilling to transfer power to panchayat. (2) They are always reluctant to give funds. (3) Officers do not show the faith in elected representatives. (4) Some states have not yet even conducted election. (5) The relationship betwen Panchayat and District Rural Development Agencies (DRDAs) is not clearly specified.

Finally, it may be concluded that the pragmatic phillosophy of miniaturised participatory democracy, where everyman matters, is the cornerstone of developmental dynamics. The growing concensus is that the rural development can be accelerated if people's resources are mobilised and they are promoted to take part in making the decisions that affect the lives and livelihoods. At present, there is a deep factionalism in our villages. Misuse of funds, oppression by the powerful, denying opportunities to women, terror against Dalit and subversion of elections are pathologically pervasive in the countryside. To overcome these problems is a tough proposition. No valid reason exists to reject grass root self government. Justice Krishana Iyer assumed that there will be favouritism, casteism, ill-will, bureaucrat’s apathy and non-cooperation, even so Panchayati Raj experiments will eventually open the political eyes of the populace.

Answer : The word secularism implies two things: (i) secular state and (ii) secular society. According to Donald Smith a secular state is one "which guarantees individual and corporate, freedom of religion, deals with the individual as a citizen irrespective of his religion, is not constitutionally connected to a particular religion, nor does it seek to promote or interfere with the religion."

On the other hand a secular society is one which has undergone a process of religious secularization, whereby religious thinking, practices and institutions loose social significance. Thus, secularism involves a thorough going psychological transformation and a change of attitude accompanied with change in the nature of belief system and institutions.

The emergence of secular society in the west has been a consequence of growth of modern industrial mode of production and advancement of scientific knowledge. While growth of scientific knowledge leads to a decline of cognitive functions of religion and the scientific world, rise of modern industrial society has been accompanied with a process of structural differentiation whereby various parts of the society and their functions become increasingly specialized being based on esoteric knowledge. As a result of this, religious ideas and norms can no longer serve as a foundation of all embracing knowledge to govern the functioning of these parts and nor can the religious norms serve as a means of social control. Thus, religion loses its hold over various fields of social activities such as politics, economy, education, medicine and law etc. The civil authority based on secular and scientific knowledge comes to replace religion as an agency for social regulation and control.

The process of religious transformation has been termed as privatization of religion whereby religion beomes a purely private or personal affair. While in the social realm, religion ceases to be the main source from which social values, goals and norms of social action emanate. By adopting rational and scientific procedures, a secular society chalks out alternative paths of social action. In cases of Third World society in the course of modernization it is being transformed from "Sacred Society" to "Secular Society". Fred Riggs has termed it "Charismatic Society".

Further, the increasing recourse to religion for political mobilisation has also strengthened religious institutions and fundamentalist beliefs. Thus, while the institutional norms governing the state and society preach secularism, the ecclesiastical reality is characterized by the growth of religious fundamentalism and inter-religious conflict.

A similar situation is to be found in Indian society too.

Historically, India has been a land of pluraliry of powerful religious sects. So religious tolerance has been one of the traditional social values in India. Even the Muslim rulers did not intervene in the religious life of the people except for occasional imposition of Jajiya by Mughal emperors like Aurangzeb. Even the East India company pursued the same policy of religious tolerance and non-interference in religious conflicts, although some Christian missionaries did start proselyting activities.

The new political elite emerged as a result of western education acquired secular out look. However, some of the important leaders of the Indian National Congress like Bal Gangadhar Tilak, Bipin Chandra Pal and Aurobindo Ghose, Lala Lajpat Rai, Madan Mohan Malviya etc. remained staunch Hindu and often used Hindu religious symbols.

In post independent India, the new state was created on secular principles. Thus, the Constitution guarantees individual and corporate freedom of religion (Articles 25, 26 and 30). It deals individual as a citizen irrespective of his religion (Articles 14, 15 and 16). On the whole, it can be said that the Indian order is based on secular principle and its polices are guided by liberal, egalitarian and humanitarian principles.

Anomic situation obtaining due to eneven development on perpetuation of inequalities have strengthened the fundamentalist forces. Thus, with the process of modernisation, the traditional institutions like religion are being increasingly strengthened. The secularism in social life is increasingly becoming a distant goal. Just as modern political system strives to modernise the traditional society so also the traditional social system tries to traditionalise the modern political system. Thus, religion is increasingly becoming inseparable from politics where by political leaders including those occupying constitutional offices freely lend support in the growth of religious consciousness leading to communal riots in Meerut, Muradabad, Aligarh, Hyderabad, Bombay, Delhi and recently Godhara and Gujarat are the manifestation of the growth of religious consciousness and decline of seculerism in India. The recent politicisation of "Babri Masjid Vs Ram Janma Bhoomi" issue and spread of religious terrorism to Jammu and Kashmir are further indicators of growing communalism as a result of religion based politics and they are pointers to a gloomy future for the growth of secularism in Indian society. Thus, Indian secularism has come to mean the freedom of religion in society but not freeing of society from religion.

Answer : Elite are those who excel. A group is identified as a elite group in a particular field in which it is the "power exerciser" or "influential" or "commands excellence". On this basis, the "Political elite" may be identified as a group of higher stratum decision makers in political structure which monopolises political power, influences major political policies and occupies all important positions of political command". In the present day India, according to above definition, political elite would include those (a) who are elected to central and state legislature, (b) who accupy important position at all India or state level political parties and (c) individuals who do not hold any formal position either in government or in political parties but still exercise great political influence.

In a traditional society the elites are not a highly differentiated category because there exists a homogeneous structure of values. Elite status is described and the elite are a closed group. Recruitment being based largely on the facts of the birth and kinship. The political elites in traditional India consisted of the king and the priest. The duty of the king was to be an effective leader to protect and preserve the caste order and to protect the preistly caste, by offering a congenial environment for purpose of religious duties. The priest was a custodian of moral norms (dharma) which the king was obliged to inforce. Thus, the offices of the king and the priest were complementary. According to Professor Yogendra Singh, the traditional elite structure of Indian society remains authoritarian, monarchial-feudal and charismatic oriented towards the preservation of status quo. With the emergence of Muslim rule some minor change took place in elite structure. But essentially, the nature of political elite remained the same. Firstly, new groups acquired the status of political elite i.e., the Muslim rulers of foreign origin. Secondly, the priestly class lost its position as political elite. Otherwise, feudal pattern of elite structure was further stabilised and the monarchial nature of elite remained intact. During the British rule, most of the traditional elite lost its eminence with the establishment of rational legal authority. The new elite was drawn largely from the entrenched upper castes of Hindu society. Most of them had undergone Western education in India and abroad and were trained in various professions. An analysis of caste background of this new elite which started emerging from late nineteenth century onwards, shows that they consisted of Brahmins, specially, the Nagar and Anvil Brahmins of Gujarat, Chitpavan Brahmin of Eastern India, Iyer and Iyyengar Brahmins from the South,various sub-caste Brahmins in the north and other upper castes like Kayastha and Vaishya etc. Besides, there were some members belonging to Parsi community and other belonging to Muslim upper castes. Thus, new elite was deeply influenced by the Western ideology of liberal humanism, democracy, equalitarianism, industrialims and above all else nationalism. This new elite was rooted in the traditional social structure based on upper caste.

After independence, in the first two decades the same elites continued to dominate the political system. Nehru was representative of this political elite par excellence and death of Nehru in 1964 is symbolic of the transition by which new political elite gradually came to dominate the political system in India.

In terms of their social orientation these elites had a modern outlook and were committed to a policy of gradual social transformation through planned efforts. Some of them also enjoyed charismatic image and had earned a reputation for covarage, vision and action during their participation in freedom movement. Unlike the old professional elite which was drawn largely from entrenched upper caste, a sizeable section of this new elite belonged to the ascendant castes who had acquired economic power after independence as a consequence of various state sponsored measures of economic development. This new elite lacked the westernised educational background possessed by the earlier elites and also its commitment to liberal democratic values was not so deep. Instead, this new elite was largely rural based, had a parochial outlook and was conscious of its regional and ethnic identity. They had a populistic orientation and a more pragmatic orientation in political groups. They tended to prefer an expediency based pursuit of goals rather than principled pursuit of political goals. Their populism was reflected in their ability to mobilise masses through attractive slogans and their lack of commitment to liberal democratic principles. They largely belonged to the newly affluent rural middle rung caste from the rural areas and the newly rich section of the urban society. As a result of this lack of commitment to democratic convention and norms, a state of anomie has come to prevail in the Indian political system. Due to the parochial and regional outlook of the new elite, even separatist tendencies have started emerging and ethinic strife is on the rise.

Answer : Before going into the logic of the protective discrimination as sanctioned by the Constitution, we should be well aware of the character of Indian society. The founding principle of this society as we received it from our past as a heritage was ineqality and hierarchy. That is why inequality of the Indian society is called institutionalised inequality- inequality which is sanctioned by the customs, values and institutions of society.

This kind of inequality in a period of time becomes a basis of exploitation, bondage, injustice and social degeneration. Society got divided into caste division. Exploitation got sanction from tradition and convention. Mobility and change became undesirable. Individual talent and initiative received disapproval.

The instrument of protective discrimination in the Constitution is meant to fight this institutionalised inequality. It is meant to neutralise the centuries of exploitation and humiliation suffered by some sections of society. It intends to create a condition of advancement to these groups. It also seeks to integrate these groups into mainstream by providing them equal chance to participate in the opportunity structure. It is not a hop for the poverty-stricken people as sometimes it is taken. Instead it is for boosting the morale and self-respect of those groups who faced discrimination under the unequal social order.

The Constitution in article 15(4) provides for special provision for advancement of “socially and educationally backward class”. In article 16(4), it provides for 'reservation of appointments or posts' and in article 340 it calls upon the state to appoint a commission to investigate the conditions of backward classes.

The Mandal Commission came out with the report in 1980 and a lofty model for the advancement of this disadvantaged group. It recommended 27 percent reservation for this section in the government jobs, promotion in educational institutions, etc. The recommendations were partially accepted by the Government of India in 1993. A provision of creamy layer was introduced to filter out those people who overcame the historical disadvantage. Moreover, demand of reservation in promotion in services, in technical posts and institutions of super-speciality learning was struck down.

The policy of protective discrimination however has come under heavy attack from all corners. Some strike to the very root of the logic of protective discrimination. Andre Beteille argues that protective discrimination create special opportunity for some. The Constitution seeks to create equal opportunities for all. Thus, there exists disparity in the constitutional goal. This is also a cause of tension in Indian society.

The possibility of the realisation of goal is also under the shadow of doubts. Meenakshi Jain identifies two groups within the Shudras- the upper Shudras who are economically well-off and politically empowered and the lower shudras who are backward in the true sense of the term. The benefits of protective discrimination is but being cornered by the former. Even among the Dalits, it is well off section which has monopolised the opportunity structure.

S.C. Dube on the other hand looks at reservation as 'palliative'. He argues for the need of more decisive transformation of Indian society.

In the light of these criticisms we can see that there is a need of change in this policy of protective discrimination. First, it should be made to address the needs of the genuine section of population. The provisions under the protective discrimination should not be used to facilitate the class which is already advantaged. Moreover, as Beteille suggests, instead of job reservation other measures like investment on a preferential basis to health, housing, education should be tried. Job quotas are not the best way.

These changes will make the policy of protective discrimination achieve its goal which will lead to a just and equal social order.

Answer : Religious fundamentalism according to International Encyclopedia of society refers to the beliefs and behaviours of those who regard religious laws and values as the only legitimate principles for organising society and are willing to use any means, including violence to achieve this goal.

Religious fundamentalism involves a belief in the authority of sacred scripture. The believers seek to apply the principles and ideology as given in the book. They see history as a process of decline from the ideal state when everything was ideal, perfect and desirable. For example in Hinduism the modern age is explained as 'Kalyuga' an age of evil, degeneration and corruption. The fundamentalists also fail to differentiate between sacred and profane. Every aspect of society is seen and explained in relation to religious dogma. They also organise themselves to check the decline in the fundamentalist conception of religiosity and work to establish the old order.

We have example of the Islamic fundamentalism as a result of Islamic revolution in Iran. The modern principles of organising society, polity and economy was replaced by the fundamentals of Islam. The rise of fundamentalism is explained as a reaction of the decadent and traditional society to introduction of modern values and system.