Rural Development

Answer : The 73^rd Constitutional Amendment Act is a landmark Act of the constitutional history of India. It not only provided the constitutional umbrella to PRIs but also paved the way for availability of physical and intellectual resources for their smooth functioning.

The Panchayati Raj Institutions cater to the need of more than three-fourth of Indians. Their smooth functioning ensures a well-being of majority of Indian rural population. Therefore, the importance of the 73^rd Amendment Act is very significant.

The 73^rd Amendment Act added schedule XI to the Constitution which provides for 29 subjects under the exclusive purview of the PRIs. It also provides for Article 243 ‘A’ – 243’O’ under chapter IX of the Constitution. This Act gives two major types of provisions, viz. (i) the permanent provisions and (ii) the voluntary provisions. The permanent provisions are compulsory and universal all over India while the voluntary provisions are to be decided by the state legislatures.

The composition of the three tier structure of PRIs, the mode of election of PRIs, the reservation for SC, ST, and women, the establishment of State Finance Commission, State Election Commission, the audit of funds etc. are certain provisions which are compulsory to every state.

The provisions like terms and conditions of the State Finance Commission, the power to raise revenues and many other important provisions are subject to the rules and regulations made by the State Legislature by law.

Essentially, the enactment of the 73^rd Amendment Act in 1998 and later its implementation helped rural India usher in silent revolution. The following facts clearly establishes the significance of the73^rd Amendment Act.

1. This is a right move in the direction of decentralization process in Indian politico-administrative set up. Now the spirit ofcooperative federalism moves in a greater spirit.
2. The enactment of 73^rd Constitutional Amendment Act is also bring about the concept of sustainable development in perspective of administration of emphasizes upon bringing about the worthy Principles of ecology, efficiency, economy and equity. These are infact, provides soul to the framework of the Panchayati Raj institutions.
3. The enactment and further successful functioning of the Panchayati Raj institutions gives well required legitimacy to the politics and political parties in India. Essentially this makes the backbone of democracy in the country. Infact, here lies the hope of materialisation of democracy in the developing and inherently diverse country like India.
4. Moreover, the Panchayati Raj institutions have imbibed a sense of enthusiasm and willingness in the rural masses of the country that it is almost foregone conclusion that the democracy has found perfect roots in the nation. This enthusiasm helps in bringing about mobilization in the society which helps in creating an awareness and consciousness.
5. The Panchayati Raj institutioins have become a cornerstone of the Indian society in the years to come. They are bringing a certain type of social revolution in the society definitely on the basis of lines which our forefathers had envisioned for.
6. This has helped in the politicisation of traditional variables, e.g. castes, community which eventually help in mobilization of masses. Though initially it reflects certain drawbacks but in the long run the mobilisation of masses leads to the real empowerment of people as the level of literacy, awareness and consciousness rises with mobilization.
7. The empowerment if bring is always all encompassing. It incorporates social, political, economic, cultural, personal and all type of empowerment.
8. It adds to the flexibility of programme implementation process. It makes the programme more people-oriented and easily approachable available at their door step. The petty issues like sanitation, maintenance of roads, promotion of fisheries and animal husbandry are handled with efficiency and effectiveness at the local level. The improvement in health and nutrition level of masses is also attributable to successful functioning of PRIs.

Despite all these great contributions, the PRIs related 73^rd Amendment Act is not free from criticism.

1. The voluntary provision provides almost a blank cheque in the hand of State Legislature. The chances of its misuse can’t be ruled out altogether.
2. The PRIs are heavily dependent upon state governments for availability of physical and manpower inputs. The parochial policies play a crucial role in the smooth functioning of PRIs.
3. There is reluctance seen on the part of big political parties to get involved with the PRIs. Generally, there is not any support from the big parties to PRIs contestants.
4. The excessive use of muscle and money power in the PRIs election kills the real purpose. The process of assimilation of democracy do not get completed and hence it is dominated by the influential class.

Still, the 73^rd Amendment Act has added roots to the grasses and democracy has truly reached upto the bottom.

To sustain this, there is a need to ensure that all the requirements of PRIs must be taken care of within the purview of constitutional umbrella.

Answer : At the insistence of Mahatma Gandhi the provision of local government was incorporated in the constitution under article 40 of Directive Principle of the State Policy. But till 1992 no Act was passed relating to this article.

During the time of Mr. Rajiv Gandhi it was considered necessary to further the organization of these local units by inserting specific provisions in the constitution itself on the basis of which the legislatures of the various states might enact detailed laws according to the guidelines provided by the constitutional provisions.

The idea so evolved, culminated in the passing of constitution 73rd and 74^th Amendment Act, 1992 which inserted parts IX & IX-A in the constitution. While part IX relates to the Panchayats, containing Articles 243 to 243-0, part IX-A relates to the municipalities, containing Articles 243 P to 243 ZG. This was taken as a major landmark in India’s constitutional history because for the first time the local governance was provided constitutional status. The new system contained novel provisions, for example direct election by people in the same manner as at the union or state level, reservations of seats for women, an election commission to conduct election, a finance commission to ensure financial viability of these institutions.

Another striking feature is that the provisions inserted in the constitutions are in the nature of basic provisions, which are to be supplemented by laws made by the respective state legislatures, which will define the details as to the powers and functions of the various organs just mentioned.

Although the local governance existed in India prior to these amendments but after these amendments they got constitutional status which was vital for their survival and proper functioning.

Answer : The Constitutional seventy-third Amendment came into operation in 1993 and since then most of the states have passed legislation to bring their Panchayati Raj institutions in conformity with the new situation. Thus Panchayats are functioning in almost every state with slight variations.

But almost a decade has passed since the adoption of the 73^rd Amendment to the constitution and passing of the conformity legislation by the states. It is thus possible to look at few problems which this institution is facing in its day to day administration.

The most important is the lack of vision and the lack of will in the ruling class to make the panchayati raj institutions strong and vibrant units of governance. Decentralising at grass root level which was the specific aim of this institution remained in the back seat. After initial euphoria, these institutions become the victims of neglect and power considerations. The state governments have not tried to make them stand on their feet, nurture them and let them grow into healthy institutions. Several of their ills like excessive official interference, inadequate funds, excessive state control, etc. emanate from the fact that neither the political class nor the bureaucracy has shown the required willingness to help these institutions to succeed in their objectives. Some of the important problems are as follow.

1. The second important problem is created by the social environment in rural India. Rural society is not only conservative but also caste ridden. The social structure in the rural society is such that the dominant caste in the village dominates the Panchayat. Thus the caste factor has make this institution lag behind its expectations.
2. Another Problems is the dominance of the Panchayat by the powerful and the rich. In Tamil Nadu for instance, the practice of ‘auctioning’ panchayat president posts have in several districts has been noticed. The practice of selling village Panchayat posts has created resentment. It has killed the very spirit of grass-root level democracy.
3. Violence has become a norm during Panchayat elections in several states. Scores of persons are killed and wounded during the Panchayat elections in some states. Of course when might becomes right, it cannot be expected that the Panchayats would become functionally effective or that they would serve the common weal. Panchayats have come to be regarded as instruments of power and making money, and also steps towards higher politics. So violence is seen as means to achieve power.
4. Another major problem which has almost become socialized in every department or organization is corruption. This has also taken root in this institution. Elected candidates and also bureaucracy attached to this institution is not free from corruption. Funds given to these institutions for development and projects are siphoned off. This has resulted in the status of non-development and povertyin rural India even after more than 55 years of independence.
5. Parallel agencies weaken the panchayati institutions. One of the ideals behind these institutions was to make them medium of people’s particitation in development programmes with a view to transform the rural society. It was found that bureaucratic implementation of development projects had no visible impact on rural poverty and backwardness. Therefore the Panchayati Raj was started as an integral part of community development programmes. But the government failed to utilize these institutions for the purpose for which they were created. The Government created parallel alternative structures for rural development functions i.e. District Rural Development Agency (DRDA) was made responsible for IRDP, TRYSEM, NREP, RLEGP etc. programmes. The bulk of the money of the Union Ministry of Rural Development goes to DRDAs as the principal organ at the district level to oversee the implementation of anti-poverty programmes. The irony is that the Union Government condemns the states when they set up parallel bodies but it does not follow that in its own practice, union also does the same evil. There are a number of overlapping committees comprising MPs and MLAs functioning at district level.
6. There is rational and logical mechanism to coordinate activities of the different tiers of the PRIs. The idea behind it was not only to bring about coordination but also to give the benefit of the experience and knowledge of the ‘legislator’ to the panchayats. But what has happened is that the presence of these legislators in the panchayats overshadowed the identity of the PRIs. It has hampered their independent and free functioning. The problems of coordination has another dimension. The coordination between the PRIs and the district administration offices or government field offices tends to be weak or fractional. This dilutes the local support system for active functioning of Panchayats.
7. The lack of financial resources is a great weakness of the PRIs. Despite the state finance commissions, these PRIs still continues to be starved of funds. The scope of levying taxes, fees and tolls, etc. is also limited in view of the under development of rural hinterland and its economy. The demands of development are too many and resources too poor. That creates frustration and disinterestedness. It makes PRIs too dependent on State Governments for financial aid, which dilutes their autonomy and creates uncertainty in their programmes.

Thus still much beyond to go in order to strengthen this Local Government institution.

Answer : The output of a programme can broadly be taken as a function of investment and efficiency of delivery. In our capital scarce country, the importance of an efficient delivery system can hardly be overemphasized. Many special development programmes taken for poverty alleviation with a hope to ease below poverty line people have utterly failed to achieve their destination point due to inefficient delivery system. The Integrated Rural Development Programmes (IRDP), out of the biggest special development programmes, failed to remain with its basic concept.

The massive amount spent on subsidies would be much spent on agriculture, rural infrastructure, and outright transfers under social security at much lower transaction costs. Growth in the first two of these are essential concomitant of non-farm credit, and the third is an alterative to credit for the poorest of the poor, who for reasons of old age or disability have few if any productive micro-enterprise opportunities.

Secondly IRDP suffers from the basic misconception that the provision of credit is a one-time event rather than a continuing relationship between lender and borrower. Rural banks are in shambles and the policy requirements for a turn around are only slowly being put into place.

Thirdly, one of the major lacunae in IRDP is the total absence of “social intermediation”. This is the process under which poor borrowers are encouraged to organise themselves into groups and given training in the importance of regular savings and of credit discipline.

A large number of other programmes launched, such as Hill Area Development Programme (HADP), Small Farmers Development Programmes (SFDP), Drought Prone Area Programme (DPAP), Desert Development Programme (DDP), Development of Women and Children in Rural Areas ((DWCRA), Intensive Jawahar Rozgar Yojna (IJRY), Indira Awas Yojna (IAY), Million Well Scheme (MWS), Revamped Public Distribution System (RPDS), to ensure that the poor are raised above the poverty line.

The failure of these programmes can be attributed to

1. as all these years no meaningful monitoring of the programmes based on sound methodology has been evolved. Most of the funds is used for establishment.
2. There is lack of will to take punitive action against the corrupt and inefficient officials. If this is done at least 90 percent of the fund would be properly utilized instead of a meager 20 percent at present.
3. There is a multiplicity of programmes, which overlap in contents and objectives. Reducing this number would make implementation and monitoring simple and cost effective.

Thus, there have been a number of very ambitious programmes launched by the government at both the central and state levels to ameliorate the conditions of the weaker sections. But there have been number of inadequacies are done away with at the earliest and the fruits of the welfare programems reach the weaker sections fully.

Also there is a big complaint of Red-tapism in the official hierarchy. This results in a lot of wastage of time. This should of countered. The element of delay should be removed from the welfare programems as early as possible. The various levels in the machinery should expedite the whole process so that the target groups are able to avail themselves of the welfare programmes of the government.

There is a shortcoming of corruption too in the administration of welfare programmes of the weaker sections. This results in a lot of wastage of money, which is supposed to be spent for these welfare programmes. It is imperative to check as soon as possible, so that the full benefits of welfare programmes trickle down to the weaker sections.

Thus, we see that a number of major inadequacies affect the welfare oriented special development programmes, aimed at raising the standard of living, of the below poverty line people’s.

Answer : The district is an important geographical unit, where the people come into direct contact with the apparatus of public administration. Because of the proximity of the community to the district administration one finds a large number of state level agencies functioning in the district undertaking a variety of functions. These functions can be categorized into nine broad headings viz. law and order, revenue, agricultural production, welfare, public distribution, elections, administration of local bodies, functions relating to emergencies and natural calamities and residuary functions.

After independence, Development Administration has become all pervading and government has begun to deal with area of development functions. Because of the rural nature of the society agricultural development is an important function of district administration. This includes irrigation, cooperatives, animal husbandry, fisheries etc. Each of these functions is looked after by a different subject matter specialist working under the supervision and control of the District Collector. Welfare is another component of development function in the district. Public health, welfare of weaker sections and backward classes, education, etc. come in these categories, where common man comes into face-to-face contact with the administration.

Local administration is a vital link between district administration and the local community. Rural and urban local bodies play a vital pivotal role in district administration. Apart from the important function listed above, there may be many areas/functions of the government, which can neither be precisely defined nor explained. These residuary functions like small savings, contribution to public loans, etc. are equally important in the district administration. In all these activities, people are closely linked with the administration.

Rural and urban local institutions are an important part of field administration. These local institutions have considerable role to play both in civic and developmental areas. There has been a tendency to entrust more developmental functions to the Panchayati Raj bodies. But there are several complaint of partisan outlook of the elected functionaries leading to favouritism and nepotism. As a result there is political disharmony, intensified factionalism and increased crime rate.

It is with field administration, that a great majority of people come into closer contact with the government. It is also here the quality and efficiency of the govt. is judged by the people. The administration at district level in India undertakes a wide range of activities associated with the life of the communities.

Answer : The 73rd Amendment Act and 74th Amendment Act is a very crucial Act for the concept of local-self government in India. For the sake of convenient local-self government can be divided into Rural local government and Urban local government.

Rural Local Self-Government: The passage of the constitution (73rd Amendment) Act, 1992 marks a new era in the federal democratic set up of the country and provides constitutional status the Panchayati Raj institutions. The Act provides for a uniform 5-year term for Panchayati Raj institutions. The law also provides for empowering the Panchayats to levy taxes, duties, fees etc. It also provides for setting up of a finance commission every five years to review the financial position of Panchayats and make recommendations to the state governments. The decision-making powers of the Panchayati bodies are extensive and list includes farming, land reform, ecological restoration, and rural industries etc. They make local development plans.

The local bodies are to be made financially solvent is an striking feature of the new legislation. It is obvious that decentralised decision-making carries little sense, without carrying out the local programmes. The amendment provides for the devolution of resources to local bodies and also empowers them to raise some resources of their own. However some fallacies are also evident in rural local self-government. Like generally speaking, Panchayati Raj institutions are often critisised for being dominated by local groups based on castes. The caste hold must be loosened.

The present legislation does not provide for recall and limited tenures of Sarpanchs. Some critics consider the absence of such provision as shortcomings, but these are more than compensated for by the regularity of the election processes.

The panchayati raj, today is functioning in all the states but in varied forms.Some states have 2-tier and some have 3-tier panchayati raj system.

Urban Local-Self Government : The 74th Act introduces a new part, namely, part ixA, in the constitution. This part deals with issues relating to municipalities such as their structure, composition, functions and other miscellaneous provisions.This Act thus gives constitutional status to the municipalities. These Bodies are not working as efficiently as they are required to work.

The first and most serious problem facing the urban local bodies is the acute scarcity of finances. Their sources of income are inadequate as composed to their functions. Most of the income generating taxes are levied by the union and state govt. and the taxes collected by the urban bodies are not sufficient to cover the expanses of the services provided. Financial stringency has become the biggest hurdle for almost all municipal bodies on account of the ever-increasing expenditure.

Next is the issue at the excessive strict control exercised by the state govt. over urban bodies. Also, the system of recruitment fails to bring in the best men. The need for adequate training of the municipal staff has not received due emphasis.

Further, it is generally commented that the urban bodies have failed to perform there. Primary duty, that is, to check the problem and complications crated by rapid urbanization.

Thus, we see that the role of local-self govt. in the state administration is of considerable importance.

Answer : Rural and urban development, especially the former one is the crux of India’s developmental strategy. Since an overwhelming majority of India’s population lives in villages, a holistic development of its rural life is a requisite for the acceleration of the pace of overall economic development of the country. Rural development programmes are designed to facilitate a multi-faceted growth of the rural poor by extending the benefits of development to them.

Many rural and urban development programmes like Community Development Programme (CDP), Intensive Agriculture District Programme (IADP), and Hill Area Development Programme (HADP), Command Area Development Programme (CADP), Training of Rural Youth for Self-Employment (TRYSEM), RLEGP) etc. are few programmes which though were good enough in policy but poor in implementation.

It has been observed that, more often than not, the Rural development and Urban development programmes are implemented without testing their local suitability. Theoretical perfection of a scheme is regarded as the criterion for the soundness of a programme, which should not be the case. Most of programmes, though intended for the poorest of the poor, have not fully helped in alleviating their problems. The programmes have no doubt have generated hopes for the underprivileged sections of society, but they have, as yet, not brought about a perceptible rise in the income of these sections.

Answer : The need for rural development had been emphasized by the national political leadership even under the colonial rule. The Government of India Act, 1919 placed the nation making activities including rural development under the popularly elected ministers in the provisions. A bold and determined intervention of the government in the field of rural development was made when India achieved its independence in 1947. In 1952, the Community Development Programme was started, followed a year later, by the National Extension Service. Many nationalistic programmes have been launched since then, the latest being Jawahar Rozgar Yojana with its component.

Since the seventies, the national planners turned their attention to the rural poor and began to formulate plans and schemes exclusively for their benefit. The fourth, sixth and eighth plans have laid the utmost emphasis on ameliorating the economic lot of small and marginal farmers and landless labourers.

To attract rural poverty, the Government of India has formulated a three-point strategy, firstly to augment the assets holding of the poor, land reforms measures have been initiated and special programmes of assistance have been launched. Secondly, schemes have been put into operation to augment wage incomes through expansion of employment in rural areas. Thirdly the programmes like Minimum Needs Programmes have been launched to improve the condition of the poor access to important services like health and education. Distributive justice approach is enlivening the national approach to poverty alleviation.

The New Strategy for Integrated Rural Development has spot lighted three significant points. Firstly, rural development should be viewed as a total development of village society. Secondly, rural development is possible only through long-term sustained development of agriculture. And thirdly, a major emphasis should be placed on infrastructure building to support the development of the both agricultural and no-farm activities.

The organizational and procedural shortcomings continue to plague the policy formulation and delivery system in rural development, coordination mechanism is weak. Field level organization is inadequately equipped. So, far public bureaucracy is the exclusive instrument of development and no serious search has been made to discover a truly meaningful role for the voluntary agencies. The national leadership should diversify the institutional sector and must not think only in terms of the government as the solution of rural ills and inadequacies. Citizen participation has to be involved much more seriously. The benefits are being garnered by those already favourably entrenched in the local socio-economic system. The percolation (trickle down) theory has proved ineffective. The new formulations require restructuring of the social system and process, development of education, consciousness rising of the disadvantages group etc.

Answer : Integrated rural development programme is a strategy package seeking to achieve enhanced rural production and productivity, greater socio-economic equity, a spatial balance in social and economic development, broader based community participation in the process of development.

The lack of decentralization of grass root level, has led to the failure of Integrated Rural Development Programme started since 1980-81. Financial and political powers are not adequately distributed to bring self-sufficiency at ground level administration. The staff’s elected or non-elected are not being given free land to work at their own level. They are restricted by political leaders. Also financial powers are not decentralized at proper levels, which are supposed to be the main artillery of any development programme.

The total impact of the programme depends on the degree to which the different poverty alleviation programmes, including the Minimum Needs Programme (MNP), are integrated with one another and with the overall development of the area.

In view of the deficiencies noticed in the implementation of the Integrated Rural Development Programme, it has been suggested that greater priority should be assigned to rural employment programmes by shifting resources away from IRDP.

The experience of the working of poverty alleviation programmes is by no means uniform in the country. In general the performance of IRDP has been better in the relatively developed regions which have already better infrastructure.

Answer : The entire edifice envisaged under the new addition to the constitution will face the danger of collapse under its own weight of responsibilities encompassing all spheres of activities within the State Government’s purview unless assured of adequate resources.

Article 243-I provides for the establishment of a Finance Commission for reviewing financial position of the panchayats. The Governor of a state shall within one year from the commencement of the Constitution (73rd Amendment) Act 1992, and thereafter at the expiration of every fifth year, constitute a Finance Commission. The legislature of the state may by law, provide for the composition of the commission, the qualifications requisite for appointment of its members and manner in which they shall be selected.

It shall be the duty of the finance commission to review the financial position of the panchayat and to make recommendations to the Governor as -

1. the principles which should govern:
   1. the distribution between the state and the panchayats of the net proceeds of the taxes, duties, tolls and fees leviable by the state, which may be divided between them under this part and the allocation between the panchayats at all levels of their respective shares of such proceeds;
   2. the determination of the taxes, duties, tolls and fees which may assigned to, or appropriated by, the panchayat;
   3. the grants-in-aid to the panchayat from the consolidated fund of the states.
2. the measures needed to improve the financial position of the panchayats,
3. any other matter referred to the Finance Commission by the Governor in the interests of sound finance of the Panchayat.

The commission shall determine its procedure and shall have such powers in the performance of its functions as the state legislature may, by law, confer on it.

Financial administration in Rural Local Government involves operations designed to generate, regulate and distribute the financial resources needed to provide services to the community. These operations are performed by the following agencies: The executive wing which prepares the budget, Legislative wing which alone can grant funds, the executive, which controls the expenditure of funds sanctioned by the Legislative wing, Audit Department.

To improve the financial conditions of local bodies, creation of a separate tax-zone was strongly recommended by the Local Finance Enquiry Committee and the Taxation Enquiry Commission (1953-54). The committees and commissions set up at centre and the states have also suggested simplification of tax-imposing procedure, development of trading enterprises, appointment of state finance commission on the pattern of Central Finance Commission. Centralising purchasing, streamlining of financial management etc. are some of the remedial measuring to augment finances of local bodies in India.

Answer : The need for rural development had been emphasized by the national political leadership even under the colonial rule. Since independence many rural development programmes have been launched to ameliorate the pathetic conditions of rural inhabitating people. But all these have been suffered to some or many extent, due to lack of coordination and a sound appraisal system.

In spite of several rural development projects and huge investment, rural India is in turmoil because neither rural infrastructure nor rural economic development has been able to generate employment avenues for the growing army of the rural unemployed. The local level leadership will have to respond to the requirements of differentiated rural society and strong public relation institutions are a precondition for any meaningful rural development. Bureaucratically-sponsored and implemented programmes for rural development have failed to achieve the good of directed assault against rural poverty.

The organizational and procedural shortcoming continues to plague the policy formulation and delivery systems in rural development. Coordination mechanism is weak and field level organization is inadequately equipped. Thus we see that special development programmes without proper linkage with the complex institutions involved, cannot solve special problems successfully. Every policies directed towards the rural development programmes, after their implementation should be evaluated so that the next implementation would not repeat the same sort of fallacies.

Answer : The Panchayati Raj institutions introduced on the basis of Balwant Rai Mehta committee began to stagnate by the middle of 1960s and faced indifference and lack of interest on the part of state governments. So by the beginning of 1970s these institution began to decline. Several factors led to this decline. The performance of these institutions was vitiated by political factionalism. Therefore by 1977 the Panchayati Raj institutions had become ineffective in most of the states. One committee under the chairmanship of Ashok Mehta to revitalize these institutions. It recommended two-tier Panchayati Raj institutions — one at the district-level and other at the Mandal level. Mandal Panchayat would be smaller than the Panchayat Samiti but bigger than the village panchayat.

Districts, rather than block, should be the primary unit of devolution. Ashok Mehta Committee also recommended, to achieve financial self-reliance, the Panchayati Raj institutions should be given power of compulsory taxation. Political parties should be allowed to participate in the elections for these institutions. There should be no super session of these institutions on partisan considerations. In case a super session has taken place, elections to that body must be held within six months. This was because lack of political will. The political leaders at the state level were not sincere in their support to these institutions. Elections to these institutions were not held for years together. Many of these local bodies were superceded and remained so for years. Local M.Ps & M.L.As adopted hostile attitude thinking that the emergence of leadership at the local level would probably undermine their position.

Another recommendation there should be no super session of these institutions on partisan considerations. In case a supersession has taken place, elections to that body must be held in six months.

The report of the Ashok Mehta Committee came in 1978, which introduced drastic changes in the so-called previous set up of Panchayati Raj institution especially in the development of two-tier system of Panchayati Raj Institution.

Answer : The passage of the Constitutional (73rd and 74th) Amendment Act, 1992 marks a new era in the federal democratic set up of the country and provides constitutional status to the Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs).

Some specific provisions were incorporated into the constitution to make this ground level institution autonomous and self-dependent. Those few provisions are:

1. creation of a three-tier Panchayati Raj structure at the Zilla, block and village levels,
2. all posts at all level to be filled by direct elections,
3. the minimum age for contesting elections to PRI, to be 21 years,
4. reservation of seats for SC/ST, in Panchayats (chairman and members), in proportion to their population,
5. reservation for women in Panchayats (chairman and members) upto 1/3rd seats,
6. creation of state election commission to conduct elections to PRIs,
7. tenure of PRIs fixed at 5-years, and if dissolved earlier, fresh elections to be held withinsix months.
8. in order to review the financial position of the Panchayati Raj Institutions, each state to set up a State Finance Commission every five years.

The latest amendments make elections to village panchayats mandatory every 5 years. This guarantees the rights of local self-government institutions to exist independent of the whims and political colour of the state government. Hitherto state governments were free to dissolve the local level elective bodies. For instance, in July 1992, Madhya Pradesh government dissolved all Panchayati Raj institutions for no valid reasons. Such indiscretionary acts will no longer be possible. Under the amendment, fresh elections are to be held within six months of dissolution. This gives stability to this otherwise highly vulnerable institution.

That local bodies are to be made financially solvent is another striking feature of the new legislation. It is obvious that decentralized decision-making carries little sense, without carrying out the local programmes. The amendment provides for the devolution of resources to local bodies and also empowers them to rise some resources of their own. The provision for the setting up of the finance commissions to allocate adequate resources to the Panchayati Raj institutions is a welcome feature, which raises the autonomy of the institution and its self-reliance.

The statutory compulsory representation of the weaker sections of the local society in the local elective bodies is another striking feature which tries to establish social autonomy in this institution. The reservation of seats for women and members of scheduled castes and tribes is good but this does not go far enough. Studies show that generally women do not have any clear idea of their powers under the Act. It has also been found that they generally affix the thumb impressions to papers on major decisions taken at meetings, which they have not been attended.

The Panchayati Raj, today, is functioning in all the states though there are inevitable variations from state to state in regard to its details including structure, number of tiers, location of authority, length of tenure, etc.

The 74th Act introduces a new part, namely part IX A, in the constitution. This part deals with issues relating to municipalities such as their structure and composition, reservation of seats, elections, power and functions, finances and some miscellaneous provisions.

In India, for the administration of urban areas, several types of municipal bodies are created for the towns and cities, depending on their size, population, industrial or other importance etc. These bodies are: Municipal Corporation, Municipal Council/Committee, Notified Area Committee, Town Area Committee, Township, Cantonment Board and Special Purpose Agency/Authority. Municipal Corporation are set up in big cities. It has a statutory status as it is created by an Act on the state legislature or of the Parliament in case of a union territory.The municipal corporation is a popular body that provides representation to local people. Most of its members are directly elected on the basis of adult franchise. It does not have the sovereign status or inherent powers. It exercises only those functions, which are allocated to it by the state government. Reservation of seats for SC/ST in proportion to their population in relation to the total population and not less than 1/3 seats to be reserved for the women candidate. Setting up of the Election Commission in the states for superintendence, direction and control of the preparation of electoral rolls and conduct of all the elections to the municipalities.

Finance Commission to be set up within one year from the commencement of the constitution and there after at the expiration of every five years having wide-ranging powers regarding distribution, allocation of resources and grant-in-aid to be made between the Municipality and State Government. These features provide autonomous power to these institution to ensure efficient running of urban local administration.

These are seen frequent encroachment in the efficient running of these institutions, which needs to be checked out if the grass level administration needs to be improved. These institutions are required to be provided more autonomy to ensure their free and efficient business.

Answer : The Panchayati Raj institution’s were brought into the scene, to enhance the people’s participation so that development of administration at grass-root level can be increased leap and bound. The popular participation not only enhances the dignity of the individual and his sense of responsibility to the community at all levels but also adds vitality to government programmes and provides a means for local control over them. It makes the programmes more responsive and better adapted to local needs. Moreover, through participation, members of the community may be induced to do more on their own initiative and to make a fuller contribution to government programme. The word ‘participation’ has the role of the general public in effecting the activities of government or in providing directly for community needs in contrasts to the appointed officials, including civil servants.The participation may be direct, as in the community projects and in the works of the voluntary welfare organization or it may be indirect, through elected officials and representatives. The extent of participation whether direct or indirect – may be regarded as a function of communication in the broadest sense; good communication among people, especially within a community, leads to the identification of common interests and needs and to direct action to satisfy them. Good communication between the people and their government leads to responsiveness to national programmes on the part of the people and to local needs on the part of political leaders and public servants.

Increase in popular participation in development programmes improves communications. The obstacles to communications may be due to poor leadership, lack of contact with the outside world, or oppressive circumstances that have resulted in apathy and hopelessness.

In a developing country, the process of politicization should mean increasing participation or involvement of the citizen in state activities, in power calculations and socio-economic growth. The politicization of a population by its progressive involvement in groups organized by the state should mean creation of transmission bells for policy of determination and as a part of overall implementation of developmental works.

By various means, peoples participation in the developmental effort has been tried. Some of the important one’s are – a comprehensive programme of community development with the ‘block’ as a new institution of economic and social regeneration in the rural areas, promotion of voluntary organizations of various types, particularly in the field of social welfare etc.

Thus, to make people’s participation effective in the local affairs, Panchayati Raj Institution is playing leading role at grass-root level.

Answer : India has been a traditional home for the local governments since ancient times.This practice has always remained one of most respected political phenomena. But now due to the unhealthy political scenario which got impetus after the parties were allowed to contest in Panchayats the novel notion of Panchayats has been under constant threat.

The second generation Panchayats called so after the 73rd constitutional amendment has more issues than only administration. They have changed in their work as well as in their style and outlook. Now the Panchayat which were actually envisaged as local developmental institutions have changed in to local political institution where politics is practiced in unholy way for petty political gains. In the election process booth capturing, murder have become a common practice. The recently conducted Panchayat elections in Uttar Pradesh provide the finest example where dozens of murders were committed.

Panchayat being the most basic unit of the world’s largest democracy has not remain as such. Personal issues are given preferences over the developmental issues which results in overall damage to democracy as well as development. Even the fund that is granted for development use is also misused. If there is a different party at the state level and different party in power at Panchayat level then the petty political revenges are taken and the Panchayats are not given complete resources for developmental works. Sometimes the Sarpanch or the members of Panchayat are dismissed. The Panchayats are also divided on the basis of caste or region where some influential people use the power for their personal gains. The collective results of all this is the suffering at the developmental front.

Although there are some positive gains also when the local developmental institutions are transformed into local political institution but we should not forget that at the base of Indian democracy the Panchayats are the most vital developmental institution which should be kept out of unhealthy politics.

Answer : Rural development is a strategy to enable a specific group of people, poor rural women and men, to gain for themselves and their children more of what they want and need. It involves helping the poorest amongst those who seek livelihood in the rural areas to demand and control more of the benefits of rural development.

Rural development is indeed the crux of India’s development strategy because still more than 70% of India’s population reside in village. These rural people even do not have access to the basic amenities of life like food, sanitary facility, education, health. The state of agriculture is also not so great in most part of India and even if there are good fertile land pieces more than 80% of Indian farmer either have less than 2 hectares or virtually no land. This contribute to their miseries because of which they becomes the ‘target groups’ for the rural developmental programme.

The rural population feels alienation in their own country. There is an ever widening gulf between the rural and urban population in India. Even the large scale migration from rural to urban areas is not of any help. This inequality of income coupled with bifurcation of rural population on the basis of caste and community further becomes the epicentre of social unrest. All this can be tackled only by framing policies of rural development with the rural men at its centre stage and as a starting point and end goal.

It should aim at the improvement of the rural people not only economically but also socially and physically by making them central concerns in developmental programmes. Only then can India achieve the true spirit of development with equal development of all societies whether rural or urban.