Question : India's role in the liberation of Bangladesh was guided by political interests as well as on humanitarian grounds to address plight of the refugees. Compare and contrast role of India with that of European countries that too are facing migrant crisis these days. (200 words)
Answer : India's Political Interest
Humanitarian Intervention
Compare and Contrast
Indian response
Cause: the cause of crisis was Pakistan conducting genocide on east Pakistani population which flee to seek refuge in India
Indian Response: Indian government and states were united to support the plight of the refugees and Indian government sought complete solution to the East Pakistan crisis and shows its dedication and support for the creation of new independent state.
Europe migrant crisis and response
Cause: Persistent conflicts causing threat to life, economic hardships caused by nations’ economic turmoil in the home country have forced these people to vacate their lands and seek refuge in adjoining European countries
European Union Response
Question : Foreign Policy of India needs to be more situation-based rather than ideology-based. Explain this while bringing out some of the recent changes that have happened in the international relation domain of India? (200 words)
Answer : The new government is clearly defining Indian interests (‘India First’) in terms of technological and economic development with a greater focus on the goals in foreign policy. Every country’s foreign policy has elements of continuity and change following a change in government. India’s policy under Mr. Modi is no different. The changes have not necessarily been explicitly articulated, but are implicit in the government’s actions and view of the world.
There are five areas of the emerging change: The centrality given to economic and technological development; the orientation of domestic and foreign policies toward this objective; the emphasis on national power including military power; and stress on soft power; and a reduction in self-imposed constraints on actions that other countries may construe as inimical to their interests.
Changes in foreign policy: The first change in foreign policy relates to the greater attention provided to economic objectives. This is not a mere reiteration of the economic development objective that has been India’s mantra since independence but recognition of the role of technology (broadly defined) in all aspects of economic development. The government’s divergence from the policies of the previous regimes is reflected in two initiatives, the Swachh Bharat Abhiyan and the Digital India campaign, both of which involve the use of appropriate technology.
‘India First’; has identified the specific role each country could play in achieving objectives (Swachh Bharat Abhiyan and the Digital India campaign), for instance U.S. and Japan; and has made that the centerpiece of PM’s discussion with the leaders of that country. ‘India First’ means that India’s requirements — when it comes to various areas like basic sanitation, defence and space technology — will be expressed with greater clarity and specificity to other countries.
The second change relates to a much greater orientation of domestic and foreign policies toward those objectives. The Indian Prime Minister has been very explicit about Indian objectives with respect to economic development and technological catch-up and in exploring how domestic and international policies will be used to close the gaps across the entire spectrum. Its decisions will then be based on a cost-benefit analysis on a defined set of parameters, not on ideological considerations like that of non-alignment.
The third change is with respect to a greater emphasis on overall national power, recognising that economic power is its foundation, but also giving a greater role to military power. The Modi government appreciates that economic power cannot be a substitute for military power in deterring aggression from the ideologically driven foes. On the contrary, economic assistance can be viewed by military ideologues as an expression of superiority to be resented.
The ability and willingness to transfer technology and help build skills and research capabilities at lower costs will consequently play a much more important role in India’s relations with Japan, Russia, U.S. and EU countries. This reinvigorated approach to national security is likely to manifest itself in a reversal of the trend of decline in ratio of defence expenditures to GDP.
The fourth change is a greater emphasis on ‘soft power’. PM Modi’s speech to the Indian diaspora in New York was a successful attempt to inspire them to contribute to the country’s economic and technological development.
The fifth change is a freeing up of self-imposed, historical and mental constraints on developing the relationship with any country to its full potential. Thus, India’s economic relationship with potential adversaries can be independent of its security relationship. This is reflected in developments like the economic agreements reached in the formation of the BRICS Bank and AIIB (Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank).
Pragmatic reset of policy: PM pragmatic reset of policy toward the U.S. reflects this change in overall approach. The U.S. is still the sole superpower and stands head and shoulders above others in the depth and breadth of its strategic and defence technology. It is also a major source of technology, capital and export markets for the Indian private sector. A pragmatic approach seems to be emerging to resolving these differences and to minimise the negative fallout of unresolved differences and focus on areas of convergence like counter-terrorism and maritime security in and around the Indian Ocean.Question : “Fast Track Foreign Policy” of PM Modi is not fast but paced at an optimum speed to bring out the strength of India at the international platform in commensuration to her inherent standing on the global platform. Do you agree? (200 words)
Answer : Wrapping up an account of the Narendra Modi government’s foreign policy activism in its first hundred days in office, External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj claimed that Indian diplomacy had moved into high gear with its “fast-track diplomacy”.
While hard power and soft power are necessary attributes of sustainable power projection by nation states, smart and fast power can help nations, big and small, find their way through or adapt to complex and rapidly changing strategic environments. By acting “fast”, the Modi government can claim it has more than neutralised, in a short period of time, the negative impact of its predecessor’s months of inaction. While critics and cynics may dismiss this activism as nothing more than photo-ops and collecting flying miles, a la Hillary Clinton (the most travelled foreign minister in history), the MEA’s “fast-track diplomacy” booklet is indeed an impressive document, in that it shows clarity of purpose in all.
The booklet itself draws attention to four different categories of diplomatic engagement by PM and MEA: first, with South Asian neighbours, second, with East and West Asian “neighbours”, third, with the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council (P-5) and, finally, India’s most important economic and strategic partners, led now by Japan and including Australia, Brazil, South Africa and Singapore.
During his initial tenure itself, the Modi government has engaged all. India’s West Asian “non-alignment” meant that it would pursue good relations with all regional players, namely, Iran, Israel, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates (India’s biggest trade partner) and the US. There was no better place for the region’s ambassadors to meet to discuss this policy than Bahrain.
The Modi government has taken one more step. It has made it clear to all regional players that it would not like to get drawn into the Muslim world’s sectarian conflicts. India has, so far, been fortunate that such sectarian conflict has not entered Muslim politics here. The government has also had no difficulty in letting everyone know that maintaining good and strategic relations with Israel will not come in the way of seeking better relations with Saudi Arabia, Iran, Iraq and the Gulf states.
With China reducing its dependence on Gulf oil and gas, plugging into Central Asian and Russian sources, and the US increasingly energy self-sufficient, it is India and other East Asian economies that will remain critically dependent on West Asian energy. India also has millions of productive workers living there and remitting billions home every year
However, while India seeks “stability” in the region and feels Western, particularly US, policies are in fact destabilising West Asia, it has not done enough on its own to help stabilise a region of great strategic importance to it. West Asia seeks Indian hard, soft, smart and fast power projection. Having enunciated the doctrine of high-speed diplomacy, the Modi government now needs the intellectual and administrative wherewithal to think and act fast.
Question : China’s foreign policy is akin to its cultural emblem – dragon – while the foreign policy of India is like elephant. Bring out the relevance of the aforesaid statement in the present context while also discussing the pros and cons of both these ways? (200 words)
Answer : China has been successful in emerging as a “responsible” global player, despite its questionable nuclear and missile proliferation record, while the international community rails at India for making the world much more dangerous. China’s attempts to increase its influence in Nepal, Bangladesh, and Myanmar, its territorial claims on parts of India such as Arunachal Pradesh, its lack of support for India’s membership to the United Nations Security Council and other regional and global organisations, all point towards China’s attempts at preventing the rise of India as a regional and global player. It is this strategy that China has consistently pursued.
While evaluating India’s China policy one should note that the major plank of India’s policy lay in the foreign policy posture of Panchsheel or peaceful coexistence. It was not just a matter of believing that China would abide by the Five Principles which she had accepted. The idea was to create an environment in which China would find it difficult to break her word. Though the Panchsheel principles failed in 1962 (China war) with regard to China, the Indian government did not abandon their faith in the peaceful settlement of disputes.
Current Scenario: India’s policy towards China is burdened by many other blinkers. First is the belief that the route to an amicable settlement of the border dispute is through expanding economic and trade relations. For China, what it has repeatedly declared to be its ‘core interests’ are immutable, inviolate and inviolable, and the first among the core interests to which it attaches paramount importance is preserving national sovereignty, territorial integrity, security and unification (the reference, presumably, is to Taiwan) and no amount of sops from any of the countries affected by its unilateral prescriptions will mollify it or make it soften its stand. India should understand this, and insist on first getting the border dispute resolved by a no-nonsense enunciation of what it considers its core propositions:
China must be made to realise that it has no monopoly of core interests. Over a period, China has been adding to them, making them out of bounds for the rest of the world, and adopting aggressive postures to enforce its own modern-day version of the Monroe Doctrine.
At one stroke, China has brought the South China Sea and Yellow Sea and entire Korean peninsula within its sphere of influence; it has enlarged the scope of maritime domination in strategic waters that connect northeast Asia and the Indian Ocean; and it has asserted its interventionist rights over whatever has a bearing on its ‘core interests.’
It may have a sobering effect on China if India also draws up its own list of inviolable, immutable core interests and asks China to adhere to them. An illustrative list: Acceptance of Jammu and Kashmir as an integral part of India, no nuclear truck with Pakistan, no recognition of Pakistan’s right to part of Jammu and Kashmir in its occupation, respect for borders, no dealings with Bhutan and Nepal without India too at the table, no tampering with established passport and visa procedures, no dumping.
It is time India did its own thing, without being bothered about what China or any other country may think. There is nothing that China is doing — whether it is ‘string of pearls’, grants and aids to other countries or whatever else — that India cannot do after its own fashion and within its own competence.
It need not be lip-reading China and regulating its course on what would pass muster in China’s (or American) eyes. On the contrary, it should forge and assert its policies and strategies on its own independent evaluation of its role and importance in the regional and global context.
Question : United Nations mandate is limited by its limitation of being financially dependent on the rich Western nations. In this context bring out the justification of a case for UN reform aptly corresponding with the present day world realities? (200 Words)
Answer : In order to meet the challenges of the 21st century and ensure Member States’ resources are used efficiently and effectively, the UN continues to update its operations and management practices. Changes have taken place in nearly every area of UN operations, from the management of UN peacekeeping missions, to improved transparency, accountability, and financial reporting mechanisms. Below is a selection of recently completed and ongoing UN strengthening and reform efforts.
Recent Steps to Enhance Effectiveness: In less than five years, the UN has created new mechanisms and achieved global consensus on enhancing UN operations through a number of reforms, including:
Management and Oversight Reforms: The UN has strengthened oversight, doubling the capacity of its audit and investigations’ body and making procurement investigations a permanent feature. The UN has also stopped issuing permanent contracts to new employees, overhauled the internal justice system, and expanded public access to budgets, audits, and procurement information. The General Assembly approved a package of reforms to enhance accountability, including replacing the UN’s information technology systems, establishing a new resource planning system that automates business functions and transaction costs, potentially saving the UN hundreds of millions of dollars, and adopting International Public Accounting Standards. The UN has also moved from print to electronic distribution of UN documents to reduce costs.
Ethics: An Ethics Office was created to manage the UN’s financial disclosure and conflict of interest policy and whistleblower protection policies as well as to provide mandatory training to UN staff on ethics practices and policies. Under the financial disclosure and conflict of interest policy, all UN senior officials and those staff with fiduciary responsibilities are required to report every year. The UN also put in force a whistleblower protection policy considered by the Government Accountability Project to be the “gold standard” among public institutions and is stronger than that of the U.S. government’s.
Peacekeeping Reform: The UN has begun implementing the Global Field Support Strategy, a five year project to transform the delivery of support to UN peacekeeping and political field missions by enhancing the effectiveness and efficiency of services. The strategy better protects civilians and allows missions to deploy more quickly. The finance, personnel, logistics, and communications support previously housed in the Department of Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO) has been separated out into the Department of Field Support (DFS) allowing DPKO to retain a focuses on strategy, policy, and planning. Combating Sexual Exploitation and Abuse: The UN’s approach to addressing sexual exploitation and abuse among peacekeepers is now so advanced that NATO is consulting with UN officials on how to best deal with sex crimes. The UN has established mandatory conduct, discipline, and awareness training for all troops and staff through 14 Conduct and Discipline Teams and launched outreach campaigns to educate the local population on how to report allegations; moved investigators and support staff to regional hubs in order to speed investigation of allegations and reduce costs; followed up on every substantiated sexual abuse and exploitation case to ensure that all violators are repatriated; begun issuing quarterly press releases to make public statistics regarding sexual abuse and exploitation cases in field missions; and provided victims with assistance, including medical and legal care.Question : It hurts to be the most powerful nation in a unipolar world. Justify considering the concurrent world. (200 words)
Answer : The United States was a unipolar power, first among unequals, was a description, not a design for action. No country would deny the United States the right to control its environment and destiny in accordance with its power to do so. What the world expected of America was adherence to the historic principle that it pursues goals based on interests, not on power. Such constraints would define the self-proclaimed “benign hegemony”.
Unfortunately, U.S. external relations were not so constrained. By the mid-1990’s, the external relations of the United States had lost whatever modesty and graciousness they once possessed. The ubiquitous claims to hegemony quickly, almost automatically, convinced much of the world that the United States had acquired a taste for dominance. Foreign officials and observers complained of American arrogance in its burgeoning efforts to dictate national and international behavior.
Foreign observers noted that the growing divergence of power unleashed a disturbing unilateralism in American external behavior. The vastness of available economic and military power created an ambivalence in Washington toward restraints and commitments that no longer appeared necessary for the pursuit of American interests.
To exploit its predominance, the United States withdrew from collective initiatives, exempted itself from international rules, shirked commitment to international organizations, and extended its domestic law extraterritorially. It unilaterally promoted U.S. arms sales abroad while attempting to prevent such sales by other countries; expanded NATO on American terms; bombed Iraq perennially with little international approval and no recognizable strategy or purpose; initiated the American-led bombing campaign against Serbia without U.N. Security Council approval; denied recognition to certain “rogue states” and excluded them from global institutions. It opted out of treaties that banned land mines and nuclear weapons tests. It scuttled international meetings by unilaterally clinging to positions or policies that defied world opinion. In its many efforts to overthrow foreign governments, Washington claimed sovereignty over those states exceeding that of their own indigenous governments.
Question : Every nation has its peculiar personality very similar to the personality of an individual. This personality like that of any individual develops and evolves through history. Explain. (200 words)
Answer : The concept of national character was a subject of debate and development during the eighteenth century. It was generally agreed that each nation has its peculiar characteristics but there was variety of opinion, among the philosophers, on what constitutes national character. There was debate on the relative weight of physical and spiritual factors in shaping national traits.
The philosophers differed also in their perception of the relationship of national character to political institutions. The concept grew in complexity and in political importance. At the beginning of the century national character was observed as a historical fact; towards the end it was regarded as an active political force that must be fostered as the basis for reform. Thus national character moved from the realm of speculation to that of theory with immediate practical applications.
Descriptions of national character ranged from stereotypes to penetrating sociological analysis, and perceptions of its nature from a series of moral traits to a complex network of relationships between multiple elements. The inhabitants of each country constitute a nation with a peculiar set of characteristics. It is found that sometimes even the people of neighbouring provinces differ sharply from each other. For instance, pride, bigotry, ignorance, superstition, and ceremony describe the Spanish. The British character is portrayed as a mixture of good qualities such as intelligence, fair play, industriousness, and generosity with faults like chauvinism, rudeness, ferocity in games.
The broadest definition and fullest analysis of national character was presented by Montesquieu under the name of esprit général. The esprit général consists of the moral characteristics and the habits of thought and behaviour which result from a unique combination of climate, religion, laws, and maxims of government, history, mores and manners. What distinguishes one nation from another is a unique combination of factors, a distinctive pattern of interaction and interdependence between them and the peculiar set of moral traits that they produce. The moral character, which is composed of a mixture of virtues and vices such as sociability, sincerity, vanity, generosity, pride, laziness, honesty is part of the larger entity of the esprit général. The quality of the character itself depends on the manner in which the various traits are combined and balance each other.
Question : South America is carving a new foreign policy very independent of US. Discuss. “(200 words)
Answer : Over the past decade, the United States’ influence in the South America has declined — a result of the Iraq war and its relative economic stagnation. At the same time, China and India have emerged as important markets for the region’s exports. (China has become Argentina’s and Brazil’s largest export market, and the second-largest market for Chile, Peru, and Venezuela.) There is also an ideological aspect to the region’s rebalancing. Washington’s free market economic model lost favor among South Americans after it was widely (though wrongly) blamed for stagnating economies and growing income disparity. Since then, many Latin Americans have wanted to create a new global economic and diplomatic order, one in which the United States does not play a dominant role.
The first attempts to bring such an order about were led by leftists, including former Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez, then President of Cuba Fidel Castro, and futusre Bolivian President Evo Morales. In 2004, Chavez and Castro created an explicitly anti-American bloc called the Bolivarian Alternative of the Americas (ALBA) to promote the integration of Latin America as a counterpoint to the United States and its plans to create a free trade area of the Americas.
By contrast, Brazil’s more calculating diplomatic elites encouraged the creation of organizations that shared ALBA’s goals of reducing U.S. involvement in the region but were less stridently ideological, capable of attracting moderate governments as well as leftist ones, and ultimately containing their Bolivarian neighbors’ more anti-globalization vision. Brazil sponsored the creation of the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) in 2008 and, with Mexico, the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) in 2011, with the stated goal of promoting regional solidarity and independence. Brasilia still largely underwrites both groups.
But these organizations did not follow the example set by other multilateral arrangements — whether economic (North American Free Trade Agreement), security-focused (NATO), or diplomatic (United Nations) — of requiring member states to subordinate some aspect of national sovereignty. The founding documents of both CELAC and UNASUR assert a collective desire to cooperate and describe various regional political ideals without offering any institutional mechanisms to enforce or promote them. For example, in its founding document, UNASUR invokes the “region’s shared history of fighting for the emancipation and unity of South America.
CELAC’s founding document mentions the South American independence leader Simon Bolivar and calls on each member to “build freely and peacefully its own political and economic system ... with the sovereign mandate of its people.” These are nice sentiments, but they do not, on their own, have any political force.
It should not come as a surprise, then, that these new regional groupings have proved ineffective. They are understaffed and under resourced, and have few tangible accomplishments to their name. Thus, South America followed different principle and formed new foreign policy to attain its growth both at regional and global level.Question : Iron Curtain is a concept that is making a comeback. Discuss. (200 words)
Answer : Germans are celebrating the fall of the Berlin Wall (25th year of fall in 2014), but new walls have been erected around Europe to keep away immigrants and refugees.
In the recent times much attention was paid to the new walls that have been erected around Europe to keep away immigrants and refugees from impoverished, strife-ridden countries in search of a better life.
According to a study by a consortium of European journalists, in the past 14 years, close to 24,000 refugees from outside the European Union (EU) have died trying to reach the continent.
At present, immigration is one of the most divisive issues confronting an already bitterly divided Europe. In May, Eurosceptic, far-right parties in France, the U.K. and other nations made big gains after contesting the EU elections on an anti-immigration agenda. They received a boost on November 11, when the European Court of Justice weighed in on the issue, ruling that the EU’s richer countries could limit the access of migrants from other EU states to welfare benefits if they migrate only to claim social aid.
In August 2014, two Ministers in German Chancellor Angela Merkel’s government presented a draft law to curb down on abuse of the country’s welfare system, though there have been very few cases of proven deception by the immigrant population. Ms Merkel’s attempts to strike a delicate balance on the issue have been visibly skewered by large-scale migration to Germany, from both inside and outside the bloc. In 2013, 1,30,000 refugees applied for asylum in Germany, almost a third of total asylum applications in the EU.
The continent’s biggest economy, Germany, is in need of a highly-skilled workforce to keep its economy running. According to the study, the country may need to fill up to a million jobs in science and technology-related fields by 2020 even as, on account of low birth rate, its workforce continues to dwindle. The Berlin Institute for Population and Development estimates that by 2050 the number of working-age people will decline from 53.3 to 38.6 million, while the number of economically dependent (children and pensioners) will rise exponentially.
Changing demographics, the global recession and increasing pressure on the welfare system has ratcheted up cultural and racial tensions in Germany.
The economics of a globalised world is compelling European nations to open themselves up to immigrants. In Germany, by 2030, the number of people retiring will be twice the number entering the labour market. In such a scenario, hounding people in search of a life of dignity and xenophobic demagoguery would only prove detrimental to the continent’s future. More than political and economic pragmatism, it is a question of humanity and being true to the principles on which the EU was founded. How ironic will it be if Germany, who grew up under a communist dictatorship in East Germany, does nothing to bring down this new Iron Curtain around Europe?
Question : IR is an extension of the domestic realities of any nation. Explain. (200 words)
Answer : International Relation is basically an extension of nation’s domestic policy. It is designed to defend and promote the country's national, political, security, economic and other vital interests. It is geared towards promoting a peaceful regional and international environment, which would give nation a space to achieve all its national objectives without any disruption from external threats.
Despite the diversity of views regarding the perception and explanation of foreign policy, no foreign policy can be formulated in a vacuum. It must serve to function in a dynamic environment. Various geographical, historical, social and political determinants contributed to shaping the nature of nation’s foreign policy and the conduct of the country's international relations.
Foreign Policies are designed by the Head of Government with the aim of achieving complex domestic and international agendas. It usually involves an elaborate series of steps and where domestic policies play an important role.
How Domestic realities influence International Relations?
The influence of domestic realities on IR can be demonstrated with the example of India-US nuclear treaty. India had not signed the Nuclear Non-Proliferation treaty (NPT) and demanded to hold on to and foster its nuclear capabilities to defend itself as long as other countries did so as well. There was opposition from US regarding that and especially regarding the tests conducted by India as well as the Pakistan in 1998. The 2005 treaty was designed with the aim of allowing India to continue not signing the NPT in exchange of allowing the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) to conduct inspections of its civilian nuclear facilities.
This treaty also allowed India to reprocess nuclear fuel for energy generation and validated its position as a nuclear weapons power. Despite it being a win-win situation for India, the Head of government was prepared to withdraw from this treaty to protect domestic political issues.
In 2007, the communist party, threatened to bring down the coalition government headed by Manmohan Singh if this nuclear agreement was made with the United States. The main opposition party, BJP also strongly opposed this treaty as the collapse of the government would be beneficial for them. The treaty in discussion did not require the parliament’s approval but pressured by the threat of losing office the Head of government was prepared to back down from this treaty.
If the Communist party had withdrawn from the coalition re-elections would be called and there was no guarantee for Congress that they will regain power. So, Manmohan Singh declared that he would not risk a general election for the sake of the treaty. The point here is to bring forward from this example is that the Head of government of India was prepared to sacrifice a very important foreign policy for domestic issues. So it can be concluded that the Head of government tries to satisfy domestic pressures even at the cost of international developments.
Question : Explain the term "Global Commons" and its applications on Indian Ocean region. Highlight the issues arising out of it and its implications for India. (250 words)
Answer : Global commons is a term typically used to describe international, supranational, and global resource domains in which common-pool resources are found. Global commons include the earth's shared natural resources, such as the high oceans, the atmosphere, outer space and the Antarctic in particular.
The Indian Oceans reflect the classic model of a 'global commons', and the term is a useful metaphor for thinking about shared space. The point that stands out is the aspect of shared space and in this context there are two main drivers that impinge on issues pertaining to interests and rights at sea- strategic interests and the maritime rights of nations which are enshrined in the 1982 United Nations Convention on Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). A conflict between interests and rights has risen (and will always arise) from time to time. Therefore, in order to avoid situations that require military and coercive solutions, a method of ocean governance could be evolved that would form a blueprint for other oceanic areas which would ensure peaceful and optimum utilization of this global commons. The declining presence of extra-regional powers and their governing interests could lead to a vacuum that would be filled by nations like China.
Implication - Maritime security
Question : What is diplomatic immunity? Critically examine the recent Indo-US standoffs in light of international jurisprudence on diplomatic immunity. (200 words)
Answer : Diplomatic immunity is a form of legal immunity that ensures that diplomats are given safe passage and are considered not susceptible to lawsuit or prosecution under the host country's laws, although they can still be expelled. It was agreed as international law in the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations (1961), though the concept and custom have a much longer history. Many principles of diplomatic immunity are now considered to be customary law. Diplomatic immunity as an institution developed to allow for the maintenance of government relations, including during periods of difficulties and even armed conflict. When receiving diplomats—who formally represent the sovereign—the receiving head of state grants certain privileges and immunities to ensure they may effectively carry out their duties, on the understanding that these are provided on a reciprocal basis.
Originally, these privileges and immunities were granted on a bilateral, ad hoc basis, which led to misunderstandings and conflict, pressure on weaker states, and an inability for other states to judge which party was at fault. An international agreement known as the Vienna Conventions codified the rules and agreements, providing standards and privileges to all states.
It is possible for the official's home country to waive immunity; this tends to happen only when the individual has committed a serious crime, unconnected with their diplomatic role (as opposed to, say, allegations of spying), or has witnessed such a crime. However, many countries refuse to waive immunity as a matter of course; individuals have no authority to waive their own immunity (except perhaps in cases of defection). Alternatively, the home country may prosecute the individual. If immunity is waived by a government so that a diplomat (or their family members) can be prosecuted, it must be because there is a case to answer and it is in the public interest to prosecute them. For instance, in 2002, a Colombian diplomat in London was prosecuted for manslaughter, once diplomatic immunity was waived by the Colombian government.
Question : "What South Asia needs is a friendly India and not a powerful big brother". Critically analyze this statement in the light of India's evolving neighborhood policy and also discuss between Monroe doctrine or Panchsheel which is best suited for India in dealing with its neighbors? (250 words)
Answer : New Delhi's approach to its neighbours has increasingly been marked by muscularity, evident in its recent attempts to browbeat Nepal into carrying out amendments to its Constitution.
Its muscular approach in pushing for seven amendments straight away and leaking them to the Indian press, has diluted the goodwill that Mr. Modi's two visits to Kathmandu had created.
Good diplomacy is all about effective, gentle persuasion minus threats or use of force. India should have lobbied discreetly on getting some of its concerns addressed in the Nepali Constitution, not thrown tantrums after the statute was adopted by a sweeping majority. This does not sit well with India's image at a time when the Modi administration is making a determined bid for a permanent seat in the UN Security Council.
India's failure to deliver on the Teesta water-sharing treaty has left trusted ally Bangladesh and its Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina uncertain. The land boundary agreement did help lift her spirits and Mr. Modi was seen as delivering on promises made, but unless the Teesta deal goes through, Ms. Hasina will never be able to convince her countrymen (and women) that India is a worthy friend. A fair share of water from a major river is much more important for Bangladesh - a nation dependent primarily on agriculture - than a few enclaves.
Mindless chest-thumping over hitting rebels "deep inside Myanmar" has already cost India. Despite the subsequent damage control that has led to important state visits, Myanmar has refused to hand over the National Socialist Council of Nagalim-Khaplang (NSCN-K)'s leader, S.S. Khaplang, and three of his confidantes, who India wants to put on trial for attacks on its security for Coming as it does after allegations that Indian agencies helped bring down the Mahinda Rajapaksa regime in Sri Lanka, these actions will only raise the spectre of an Indian 'Monroe Doctrine' - under which India treats its neighbourhood as a sphere of influence - a doctrine India cannot afford to enforce; nor is it capable of enforcing such a principle
Whether this is because the security establishment has started to overshadow the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA), or because domestic considerations have started to shape the Indian response, is a matter of speculation. However, a muscular neighbourhood policy, especially with smaller neighbours, will not work for India. It will not only help drive them into the Chinese fold, but will also provide traction to Pakistan's sustained campaign against 'Indian domination' in the region
Monroe doctrine;
It stated that further efforts by European nations to colonize land or interfere with states in North or South America would be viewed as acts of aggression, requiring U.S. intervention.
The three main concepts of the doctrine-separate spheres of influence for the Americas and Europe, non-colonization, and non-intervention-were designed to signify a clear break between the New World and the autocratic realm of Europe Panchsheel:
The geopolitical situation in the neighbourhood is likely to change significantly due to uncertainties in the global economy, chronic instability in the Af-Pak region, increasing salience of external factors in regional politics, continuing anti-India sentiments in some of the countries, demographic pressures, growth in illegal migration, and adverse consequences of climate change.
In this era of globlaisation and India's desire to become prominent figure in word, going behind the one strict doctrine of foreign policy is not productive for India. India needed a soft-power diplomacy for its economic growth and regional stability considering its porous border. Also it should observed assertiveness in its policy to made itself prominent in this multi polar word India must effectively communicate its vision of regional integration to its neighbours, enable them to participate profitably in its growing economy, spell out its 'non-negotiables' in matters concerning its security and national interest, maintain linkages at the highest political level, open multiple tracks of communication and take a leadership position in multilateral forums like SAARC and BIMSTEC to bring peace and prosperity to the region through greater cooperation in diverse areas. This will prove effective in improving its relations with its neighbours.Question : India PM called India and Africa as "two bright spots". Justify. (250 words)
Answer : India and African continent constitutes one third of the global population Both are amongst world's oldest civilizations having vibrant mosaic of languages, religion and cultures. Two thirds of India and Africa respectively are under the age of 35 years. Both India and Africa are on the path of upholding democracy, combating extremism, and empowering women. African economic growth has gathered momentum and India's economic growth is on upward movement for some years now. Both India and Africa has many examples of successful economic reforms, infrastructure development and sustainable use of resources. Thousands (four) of new businesses were registered in Africa in 2013; and, mobile telephone now reaches 95 percent of the population in many places. Africa is now joining the global mainstream of innovation. The mobile banking of M-Pesa, the healthcare innovation of MedAfrica, or the agriculture innovation of AgriManagr and Kilimo Salama, are using mobile and digital technology to transform lives in Africa. Africa has taken strong measures in radically improving healthcare, education and agriculture, and also it is setting examples in wildlife conservation and eco-tourism.
Africa and India are two bright spots of hope and opportunities in the global economy. India's development priorities and Africa's lofty vision for its future are aligned. In less than a decade, Indo-Africa tradehas more than doubled to over 70 billion dollars. India is now a major source of business investments in Africa. Today, 34 African countries enjoy duty free access to the Indian market. African energy helps run the engine of the Indian economy; its resources are powering Indianindustries; and, African prosperity offers growing market for Indian products. India has committed 7.4 billion dollars in concessional credit and 1.2 billion dollars in grant since the first India-Africa Summit in 2008. It is creating 100 capacity building institutions, and developing infrastructure, public transport, clean energy, irrigation, agriculture and manufacturing capacity across Africa.
Question : Highlight the recent developments in the India-Nepal relations. (250 words)
Answer : Following Points Needs to be kept in Mind
A series of recent developments have marked a new low in Nepal-India relations. At the recent the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva, India criticised Nepal's human rights record, especially in dealing with the Madhesi agitation. India also demanded legal action against those guilty of human rights violations during the years of insurgency in Nepal - India had mediated the Maoists joining mainstream politics, the insurgents who had raised arms against the state. Prime Minister Modi's visit last week to the UK, advised Nepal to address the prevailing grievances of different sections of the people and create a condition for stability and economic prosperity. In essence, India which has always treated Nepal as a country in its sphere of influence is raising issues concerning its neighbour in world forums for the first time.
Newly-elected Nepalese Prime Minister K P Oli, who had been delaying the customary address to the nation as PM, chose to respond to both issues as well as the controversial blockade, on Sunday. His speech had a few underlying messages: India was undermining Nepal's sovereignty and its right as a landlocked country; it was not respecting Nepal's right to create its own constitution; because of the obstruction in supplies, pregnant women and patients in need of surgery, and children were badly hit and that the Nepalese public blamed India for the current situation. He wholeheartedly praised China as a friend-in-need having provided fuel and other commodities in the hour of crisis, and issued a warning to India: Nepal was not going to depend solely on India for trade and supply any longer-currently, around 70 per cent of external trade is with India. 'The 'blockade' by India has taken place in the past as well, with the longest one lasting for 19 months in 1988-89, but the criticism of India was never as strident as now. China's stepping in to assist Nepal, and India taking issues to international forums, are two developments in the bilateral relations that may have long term consequences.
Question : Indian diplomacy is now focusing more on building economic relations than other conventional realms of diplomacy. Analyze the need for such a transition and whether it is an imperative or signals lack of foresightedness in shaping India's foreign policy. (250 words)
Answer : Economic diplomacy is understood as an economic activity that may help to boost trade and investment. Economic diplomacy is required for India to diversify its economy both with respect to the composition of production (the intensity of international trade in relation to domestic economic activities) and with respect to their trade partners. The ultimate aim of economic diplomacy is to influence decisions on cross border economic activities pursued by government and non-state actors.
Corporate India's increased footprint in most of the world's regions, along with a changing international economic environment has created significant pressure on Indian government to represent business interest and obtain better term for investment. The issue of state support for Indian companies gained more attention last November, when the Maldives cancelled a $500 million agreement with Indian company GMR to develop Male's airport. Drawing conclusions from the failed deal, C. Raja Mohan aptly pointed out that "the real lesson is that India is utterly unprepared to protect the interests of its companies operating abroad." Companies are strategic assets that can help India develop greater influence abroad.
Foreign and economic relations are intrinsically linked: policy makers have to internalize and act upon an acknowledgement that foreign economic and political relations are intrinsically linked. Foreign economic and political relations cannot be regarded as separate playing fields.
Why Economic Diplomacy is required for India?
International trade and investment requires firms to bridge important differences in mind-sets, frameworks, and contexts. In a number of cases this is simply impossible for private firms. Government involvement is for example a sine qua non in many state economies. The firm needs a 'diplomat' to signal his government's blessings. The incumbent government launched ambitious "Make in India" campaign to boost Indian manufacturing sector for which investment is required. The success of make in India is to a great extent depends upon foreign investment as India does not have adequate investment. So these factors make it imperative for India to pursue aggressive economic diplomacy. Also these three events make it economic diplomacy an imperative for India. First, progress on IMF reforms. Second, the role and institutional structure of the BRICS- financed New Development Bank, and finally the financing framework for the post-2015 Sustainable Development Goals will be agreed. There is a historic opportunity for India to take initiative in this endeavour. This requires forceful and persuasive political leadership to advocate a grand bargain that brings all three themes - the reform of "old" institutions like the IMF, the role of "new institutions" like the NDB, and the design of the long-term financing framework for the SDGs - to the same negotiating table. At this moment, there is a global perception that India does have such leadership. Top-level changes in our foreign, planning and finance bureaucracies have also brought in executive leaders with no stake in old silos and a track record in opening up new possibilities. Will we take up the challenge and become a "yes, we can" player in economic diplomacy, as opposed to the "no, we won't" legacy that has been standard operating procedure for 40 years?
In addition to this an effective economic diplomacy is required for mobilization of external inputs to accelerate growth. For this India can have a single minister supervising both investment promotion and foreign aid.
Size of country's economy determines its prestige in International arena. Bid for UNSC requires India to be economic giant as well.
Question : Examine the strategic importance of the Forum for India Pacific Islands Cooperation for India. (250 words)
Answer : Some Facts about Pacific Ocean
India's strategic interest in the Forum for India Pacific Islands Cooperation: These 14 Pacific island countries have large exclusive economic zones and offers promising possibilities for fruitful cooperation. The FIPIC initiative marks a serious effort to expand India's engagement in the Pacific region. The exploitation of hydrocarbon resources in the Pacific area off the coast of countries such as Vietnam has attracted Indian participation. India has had a long history of cooperation and close engagement with Fiji, which has a large population of Indian origin. India has participated in PIF meetings as one of the 17 dialogue partners (including US, EU and China).
While these countries have relatively small land areas, their EEZ encompasses fairly large areas of the ocean. The PIF countries have a strong interest in settling maritime disputes in accordance with international conventions. The existence of large EEZs makes it important to optimally manage marine living and non-living resources. Management of fisheries and development of aquaculture and the "blue economy" are particularly important.
Question : Discuss how TPP and RCEP would affect India's economic interest. Also examine which of the two offers greater prominence for India strategically. (200 words)
Answer : The Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) and the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) are not necessarily two contending trade liberalizing models, but their import and arrival have posed stiff political challenges for many countries, including China and India, Asia's two heavyweights. With these two initiatives, the regional trade of Asia is entering an interesting phase of liberalization and integration. In fact, it is gradually becoming clear that the facets and nuances attached to these two trade liberalization models will impact regional power politics massively in times to come. While the success of TPP hinges on the global economic authority of the US and how the negotiation process unfolds, the future dynamism of RCEP will depend heavily on how China and the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) conduct their negotiation process and accommodate the interests of other regional powers, including India. Hitherto, it has been no secret that both RCEP and TPP will greatly affect and influence ASEAN and the role of its free trade agreement (FTA) partner countries, including China and India. In this regional stratagem, China-India relations may witness new dynamics and power politics in East Asia or in the broader Asia-Pacific region. It may also open a new window of opportunity for India's greater integration with the East Asia region. India needs to analyze carefully the efficacy and implications of both RCEP and TPP to see how far they serve New Delhi's own regional interests. RCEP may eventually facilitate India's 'Look East' policy more effectively than TPP. The former allows New Delhi to coordinate with ASEAN+6 countries more effectively, to which China has so far been fundamentally opposed.
Two strategic agreements currently being negotiated by the world's trading giants will likely determine the global balance of economic power for years to come: the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP). The TPP and RCEP are not radically different instruments - they are both free trade agreements (FTAs) designed to lower tariff and non-tariff barriers to trade between countries that conduct the bulk of global commerce.
The TPP negotiations are led by the U.S. and involve 11 other nations that share a Pacific Ocean coastline. Seven of those countries - Australia, Brunei, Japan, Malaysia, New Zealand, Singapore, and Vietnam - are also party to RCEP negotiations. RCEP comprises the ASEAN nations and six others: India, China, Japan, Korea, Australia and New Zealand. In addition to trade in goods and services, both agreements cover the critical area of intellectual property rights. RCEP is the more modest of the two, seeking to implement and build on World Trade Organization (WTO) commitments incrementally.
Central Asia is a new geopolitical creation which has an important strategic role to play in the coming years. It is in the middle of three super civilizations-the Islamic, the Christian and the Buddhist and is seen by many experts as one of the most vulnerable areas of instability between them. It can become a natural, historically formed buffer zone as well as form the hub of Islamic extremism. Being placed in the middle of the Eurasian Continent, it is also one of the most convenient routes of transit. It is rich in minerals, especially hydrocarbons. As a consumer market it still remains to be exploited.
The subject of Indo-Central Asian relations is not a new one. Close bonds of history have always linked the two, with this region being accepted as India's "extended neighborhood". It is pertinent to underline that the centuries old relationship between the two regions has evolved through cultural interaction. Several facets of the cultures, civilizations and intellectual histories of the two regions suggest that they evolved not in isolation, but through reciprocal cultural enrichment. In modern times, however, the importance of Central Asia to India is not merely civilizational and historical, but also geopolitical and economic. Central Asia is of great strategic importance to India.
The Geographical Significance of Central Asia: The geostrategic location of the Central Asian states has made this region extremely pivotal. CARs lie at the crossroads of Russia, the Middle East, South Asia and the Far East. Any geopolitical changes in the region inevitably extend their impact on several states in the neighbourhood.
India's Geostrategic Interests: The emergence of predominantly Muslim but, in fact, multi-ethnic and multi-religious CARs has added a new strategic dimension to the geopolitics of the whole of Asia and more so, for the countries located in its immediate neighbourhood. Central Asia lies at the strategic junction between two nuclear powers, Russia and China, and at the interface between Russia and the Islamic world. It shares borders with Afghanistan, which is a major source of spreading religious extremism in the region. India has a vital interest in the security and political stability of this region. Obviously given the Kashmir angle, India cannot be walled off from the political developments which take place in the Central Asian region. Any advance by Islamic extremist groups in the CARs could invigorate similar elements active in Kashmir. For reasons dictated by geography, India's strategic concerns are tied up with the regions bordering its north and northwest. Pakistan in its northwest continues to be antagonistic towards India. Pakistan is already sponsoring cross-border terrorism in Kashmir. For India, the Kashmir issue pertains not to four million Muslims living in Kashmir Valley alone, but to the peace and security of 130 million Muslims elsewhere in India. Therefore, for India the geostrategic importance of CARs is immense. Under no circumstance can India ignore this region.
Religious Extremism/Political Islam/Terrorism: Today there are mounting security concerns in Central Asia and South Asia over rising cross-border and state sponsored terrorism; religious extremism/political Islam and ethnic unrest, radiating out of Afghanistan and Pakistan. Terrorism is gaining prominence in the range of non-traditional threats in Russia, India and Central Asian states. It has assumed a new dimension with the formation of transnational ideological, financial and technological networks. These linkages have made terrorism a potent source of destabilization, both regionally and internationally. India is facing cross-border terrorism sponsored by Pakistan in J&K, Russia in Chechnya and Central Asia in Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan.
Violent turbulence in Afghanistan is affecting both India and CARs negatively. Afghanistan has become the source of fanaticism and extremism. Afghanistan has become the hub for training foreigners from different countries, Pakistan, India, Yemen, Saudi Arabia and even citizens from China, (ethnic Uighurs from Xinjiang) to carry out ‘jehad’ and participate in military operations on the side of the Taliban.
India and Central Asia: India has traditionally attached great importance to its relations with Central Asia. But, unfortunately, the relationship despite close historical & cultural contacts has not progressed to the desired extent. The key constraint India faces is the lack of direct access to Central Asia. The unstable situation in Afghanistan and a highly problematic India-Pakistan relation have deprived India from the benefit of relations with Central Asia. The Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India Pipeline (TAPI) would be a game-changer if it materializes. However, despite some positive developments like the signing of an inter-governmental agreement, realization of TAPI is still some distance away.
Iran which provides alternative access to Central Asia is an important but unspoken factor in India-Central Asia relations. However, India-Iran relationship for the last decade or so has not progressed well. Mutual suspicion mars this relationship. The International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) which would pass through Iran is still underdeveloped and requires huge investment. India has also been slow in realizing the potential of the strategic Chabahar Port in Iran. India will require making substantial investments in Iran to make the INSTC as well as Chabahar Port to provide short and effective access to Central Asia. This must be top priority in India's foreign policy.
India has come up with a "Connect Central Asia policy" (2012), which includes elements such high level visits, strategic partnerships, comprehensive economic engagement, partnership in the development of energy and natural resources. Development of potential in medical field, education, e-networks, land connectivity etc. This policy was declared in 2012. The implementation of the policy needs to be speeded up. This will require allocation of definite resource for the implementation of the policy. Second, there must be an institutional mechanism for implementation.
Question : Comment on the objectives and the significance of the Forum for India Pacific Islands Cooperation for India? (200 words)
Answer : The Pacific Islands, a group of 14 island nations in the South Pacific Ocean with a total population of just over 8 million people, have been of limited strategic significance to the major global powers since the pitched battles of World War II were fought on their shores over half a century ago. However, with the increasing focus on Asia in the 21st century, the Pacific Islands will almost certainly play a more active role.
Sectoral focus of Indian development cooperation with the PICs:
Renewable energy: Considering the threat rising sea levels pose to many of the low-lying Pacific Island nations, minimizing the impact of climate change is of enormous importance to their future livelihood. And though modest, India's efforts in the renewable energy sector have helped in the wider adoption of more efficient power generation and water desalination systems in the PICs. A notable example of India's efforts to foster the spread of renewable energy in the PICs is the training program organized in 2012 for elderly women from Fiji, the Solomon Islands, Tuvalu, Samoa, Kiribati and Nauru at the Barefoot College in the Indian state of Rajasthan. The innovative 'Barefoot Grandmothers' project trains elderly, often semi-literate and illiterate women from rural communities around the world, to install residential solar power units and solar powered water desalination plants. On completing training, the women assume responsibility for the repair and maintenance of the solar units for at least 5 years. Elderly women are selected for the program as they are more likely to return to their community and put their training to use there, instead of using their newly acquired skills to seek well-paying jobs elsewhere. Ideally, the program would yield broader benefits since these women are also encouraged to help communities nearby adopt similar environmentally sustainable technologies.
In March 2007 India facilitated a training workshop on sustainable development in Suva, Fiji through the Indian research organization Tata Energy Research Institute (TERI). The primary objective of the workshop was to help the small islands states of the South Pacific enhance capacity in renewable energy utilization, rainwater harvesting, and waste management. The workshop concluded with the Government of India and TERI agreeing to strengthen mechanisms to share best practices in sustainable development with the PICs. Participants also agreed to strengthen technical cooperation and to transfer technologies that can help the PICs more efficiently harvest rainwater and manage waste.
Information Technology: The spread of information technology in the Pacific Islands has been far from uniform. With 82 percent of its population connected to the internet, Niue - the first nation in the world to offer free Wi-fi throughout its borders - stands in stark contrast to Papua New Guinea, where only 2.3 percent of the population is connected to the web.
In the Pacific Islands, Indian development assistance in the IT sector has focused on nations where the spread of Information Technology has been limited. Looking to replicate the success of Indian-funded IT Centers in Tajikistan, Armenia, and Ghana, during 2010-11, India allocated grants to set up similar institutes in Fiji and PNG. These centers are intended to serve as a useful resource base for the Governments in the region to promote e-governance, and to develop human resources in the information technology sector.
Education: The numerous high level visits between India and the PICs, India's admission to the Pacific Islands Forum as a dialogue partner, and the negotiations to implement Double Taxation Avoidance treaties with some of the PICs indicates that relations between India and the region have been deepening. Indian development assistance in education and capacity building will likely strengthen these ties.
Notable among Indian development partnerships in the education sector is a project announced in 2009 which aims to set up Hole-in-the-Wall (HiWEL) Education Learning Stations in each of the 14 PICs. These learning centres launched by the Indian company National Institute of Information Technology (NIIT) aim to bring computer education to children in rural and urban slum areas of the PICs.
To cement the relationship, India is likely to offer technology in sectors like fishing, mining, oil and natural gas, information technology, health, marine resources, agriculture, coconut, coir, etc.Question : Examine how India's 'Act East Policy' is different from its 'Look East Policy'. (200 words)
Answer : Indian government launched the 'look east' policy in the early nineties. It was aimed to shift India's focus from the west and neighbours to the booming South East Asian economies. It also intended to spur economic growth in the north east. The government in 2015, upgraded it to 'act east' policy. The foundations, objective remain the same but to provide impetus and increase its importance and focus on it, the policy was upgraded.
Its merits are:
Some of its limitations are:
Key difference
Look East Policy
Act East Policy
These issues have to be addressed to make this policy effective and useful for India. The management principle of allowing stakeholders to participate and be a part should be followed by giving the north eastern states more say and importance for better implementation.
Question : India has become more tilted to US in her IR domain. Do you think that this is practical approach to deal with the current geopolitical realities of the world? (200 words)
Answer : The idea that Barack Obama would be the first American president to take the salute from Indian soldiers as the chief guest at India's Republic Day parade was unthinkable one year ago.
India typically uses the selection of the chief guest as a diplomatic signal that it wishes to cultivate deeper ties with a particular country, yet during his time in office Mr. Obama repeatedly appeared to disregard India in favor of Pakistan or China. The five pillars of Indo-US relation are:-
The bilateral relationship has never been short of critics who contend that its benefits were oversold. Such critiques are certainly not without merit. On a number of key issues, such as trade, climate change, and aspects of foreign policy, the US and India have found themselves on the opposite sides of the debate.
The United States would like to deepen its commercial ties with India however, the two sides have been actively locked in a trade dispute over access to the Indian market for agricultural imports that nearly brought down the Doha round of trade negations in the World Trade Organization.
When it comes to the climate, the United States would like to encourage India's move towards renewable energy and perhaps even secure an agreement to cap emissions of greenhouse gases. Conversely, the priority for India is economic development, not reduction of carbon emissions. Indeed, New Delhi is keen to gain access to America's burgeoning supply of natural gas to fuel its growing economy.
Finally, the US and India have been at odds on a range of foreign policy issues in recent years, such as intervention in the crises in Libya and Syria or response to Iran's nuclear program, not to mention the efforts of the so-called BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa) countries to establish a New Development Bank that rivals the World Bank and IMF.
America and India have also both supported the Afghan government and opposed the spread of the Taliban. India desires to see a continued American military presence in the country and the US is increasingly aware of the role that India can play in contributing to stability in that fragile state.
Finally, both India and the United States share a concern about terrorist attacks against their homeland or interests overseas. Cooperation between the US and India on counter-terrorism issues has deepened significantly since the 2008 Mumbai attacks, and is characterized by frequent exchange visits and intelligence sharing.
Convergence of policy priorities is matched by an institutionalization of defense cooperation. Since 2002, India has conducted more joint military exercises with the United States than any other country.
A defense pact signed in 2005 has facilitated the training of military personnel, missile defense collaboration and arms sales, as well as opening the door to joint weapons production. Consequently, in 2013, the US displaced Russia as India's top weapons suppler.Question : ICC is a strategic geopolitical moral policing force owned and operated by the Western world? Elaborate with some recent examples? (200 words)
Answer : ICC is mandated to prosecute and bring to justice those responsible for the worst crimes-genocide, crime against humanity and war crimes-committed anywhere in the world. It is a court of last resort, intervening only when national authorities cannot or will not prosecute.
Criticism against ICC
Conclusions: Since more than 60% of the funds came from EU it will not be incorrect to say that it is influenced by the EU and is prone to political manipulations. Secondly it is pretty reliant on UNSC and on state powers to be really independent. Its adjudications have hardly brought justice so it largely seen as a political body rather than purely legal institutions.
Question : Analyse the significance of Central Asian countries for India and also examine its role in the security matters in the region. (200 words)
Answer : Central Asia is a new geopolitical creation which has an important strategic role to play in the coming years. It is in the middle of three super civilizations-the Islamic, the Christian and the Buddhist and is seen by many experts as one of the most vulnerable areas of instability between them. It can become a natural, historically formed buffer zone as well as form the hub of Islamic extremism. Being placed in the middle of the Eurasian Continent, it is also one of the most convenient routes of transit. It is rich in minerals, especially hydrocarbons. As a consumer market it still remains to be exploited.
The subject of Indo-Central Asian relations is not a new one. Close bonds of history have always linked the two, with this region being accepted as India's "extended neighbourhood". It is pertinent to underline that the centuries old relationship between the two regions has evolved through cultural interaction. Several facets of the cultures, civilizations and intellectual histories of the two regions suggest that they evolved not in isolation, but through reciprocal cultural enrichment. In modern times, however, the importance of Central Asia to India is not merely civilizational and historical, but also geopolitical and economic. Central Asia is of great strategic importance to India.
The Geographical Significance of Central Asia: The geostrategic location of the Central Asian states has made this region extremely pivotal. CARs lie at the crossroads of Russia, the Middle East, South Asia and the Far East. Any geopolitical changes in the region inevitably extend their impact on several states in the neighbourhood.
India's Geostrategic Interests: The emergence of predominantly Muslim but, in fact, multi-ethnic and multi-religious CARs has added a new strategic dimension to the geopolitics of the whole of Asia and more so, for the countries located in its immediate neighbourhood. Central Asia lies at the strategic junction between two nuclear powers, Russia and China, and at the interface between Russia and the Islamic world. It shares borders with Afghanistan, which is a major source of spreading religious extremism in the region. India has a vital interest in the security and political stability of this region. Obviously given the Kashmir angle, India cannot be walled off from the political developments which take place in the Central Asian region. Any advance by Islamic extremist groups in the CARs could invigorate similar elements active in Kashmir. For reasons dictated by geography, India's strategic concerns are tied up with the regions bordering its north and northwest. Pakistan in its northwest continues to be antagonistic towards India. Pakistan is already sponsoring cross-border terrorism in Kashmir. For India, the Kashmir issue pertains not to four million Muslims living in Kashmir Valley alone, but to the peace and security of 130 million Muslims elsewhere in India. Therefore, for India the geostrategic importance of CARs is immense. Under no circumstance can India ignore this region.
Religious Extremism/Political Islam/Terrorism: Today there are mounting security concerns in Central Asia and South Asia over rising cross-border and state sponsored terrorism; religious extremism/political Islam and ethnic unrest, radiating out of Afghanistan and Pakistan. Terrorism is gaining prominence in the range of non-traditional threats in Russia, India and Central Asian states. It has assumed a new dimension with the formation of transnational ideological, financial and technological networks. These linkages have made terrorism a potent source of destabilization, both regionally and internationally. India is facing cross-border terrorism sponsored by Pakistan in J&K, Russia in Chechnya and Central Asia in Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan.
Violent turbulence in Afghanistan is affecting both India and CARs negatively. Afghanistan has become the source of fanaticism and extremism. Afghanistan has become the hub for training foreigners from different countries, Pakistan, India, Yemen, Saudi Arabia and even citizens from China, (ethnic Uighurs from Xinjiang) to carry out ‘jehad’ and participate in military operations on the side of the Taliban.
India and Central Asia: India has traditionally attached great importance to its relations with Central Asia. But, unfortunately, the relationship despite close historical & cultural contacts has not progressed to the desired extent. The key constraint India faces is the lack of direct access to Central Asia. The unstable situation in Afghanistan and a highly problematic India-Pakistan relation have deprived India from the benefit of relations with Central Asia. The Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India Pipeline (TAPI) would be a game-changer if it materializes. However, despite some positive developments like the signing of an inter-governmental agreement, realization of TAPI is still some distance away.
Iran which provides alternative access to Central Asia, is an important but unspoken factor in India-Central Asia relations. However, India-Iran relationship for the last decade or so has not progressed well. Mutual suspicion mars this relationship. The International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) which would pass through Iran, is still underdeveloped and requires huge investment. India has also been slow in realizing the potential of the strategic Chabahar Port in Iran. India will require making substantial investments in Iran to make the INSTC as well as Chabahar Port to provide short and effective access to Central Asia. This must be top priority in India's foreign policy.
India has come up with a "Connect Central Asia policy" (2012), which includes elements such high level visits, strategic partnerships, comprehensive economic engagement, partnership in the development of energy and natural resources. Development of potential in medical field, education, e-networks, land connectivity etc. This policy was declared in 2012. The implementation of the policy needs to be speeded up. This will require allocation of definite resource for the implementation of the policy. Second, there must be an institutional mechanism for implementation.
Question : How can India counter "One belt one road" initiative of China? (200 words)
Answer : The well-known geopolitical theorist Halford Mackinder postulated in 1904 that the inner area of Eurasia - characterised by interior or polar drainage and impenetrable by sea-power - was destined to be the "Pivot Area" of world politics. It was his view that the rule over the heart of the world's greatest landmass would become the basis for world domination, owing to the superiority of rail over ships in terms of time and reach. Russia and China, if they came together, he predicted, could outflank the maritime world.
The belt manifests the continental dimension of this geo-strategic realm. It consists of a network of rail routes, overland highways, oil and gas pipelines and other infrastructural projects, stretching from Xian in Central China, through Central Asia and Russia, with one artery crossing Kazakhstan and the other through Mongolia but both linking up with the trans-Siberian railway and going on to Moscow, Rotterdam and Venice.
The road is the maritime dimension and consists of a network of ports and other coastal infrastructure from China's eastern seaboard stretching across South East Asia, South Asia, the Gulf, East Africa and the Mediterranean, forming a loop terminating at Piraeus (Greece), Venice (Italy) and Rotterdam (Netherlands) in Europe and Mombasa ( Kenya) in Africa.
Both the Road and the Belt include regional loops and branches which extend the reach of the emerging transportation networks but also serve to tie the Road to the Belt at critical points. Thus the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor is significant precisely because the port of Gwadar is one of the points where the Road and the Belt intersect. Of interest to India is the branch constituted by the BCIM corridor, which proposes to connect Yunnan in southern China with Myanmar, Bangladesh and eastern India.
"The initiative to jointly build the Belt and the Road enhancing the trend towards a multi-polar world, economic globalisation, cultural diversity and greater IT application, is designed to uphold the global free trade regime and the open world economy in the spirit of open regionalism".
Thus the OBOR may also be seen as China's response to the more exclusive mega-economic blocks in the making, the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) in Asia and the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership or T-TIP, both of which are led by the United States. The Road, for example, is explicitly oriented towards South East Asia, while Europe is the destination of the Belt. The OBOR, therefore, represents an alternative and supposedly more inclusive economic architecture led by China, competing with that promoted by the United States
"The Belt and the Road run through the continents of Asia, Europe and Africa, connecting the vibrant East Asia economic circle at one end and developed European economic circle at the other, and encompassing countries with huge potential for economic development."
It should be apparent from these Chinese pronouncements that China sees the twin-dimensional initiative as a long-term project to secure its geo-strategic realm, which has both a continental and a maritime dimension. It is not just an economic initiative. It has obvious political and security implications. In any case, China's strategists do not draw lines separating economic and security objectives. Each dimension reinforces the other, even though the economic dimension may sometimes mask the security imperative.
What's in this for India?
While looking at the emerging geo-political landscape, Saul Bernhard Cohen, in his book ‘Geopolitics’, envisages the emergence of three strategic realms this century. One is the US-dominated maritime world of the North Atlantic and the North Pacific Basin; there is the second realm of Maritime Europe, organised around the European Union, and a Continental Asia geo-strategic realm covering the Eurasia landmass with Russia as the original core. But, as pointed out earlier, China has emerged as a separate Continental Maritime realm, shrinking the space for Russia in Central Asia and for the US in the North Pacific. There is an incipient effort to co-opt Russia on the one hand and Europe on the other to confine the US to the American hemisphere. The playing out of this story has major implications, because in case China succeeds with the global strategy underlying OBOR, India may well be consigned to the margins of both land and maritime Asia or become, by compulsion or by choice, a subordinate component of the Chinese-dominated network.Question : Resolution adopted by United Nations in the year 2015 on the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG's) is repetition of MDG's. What would you suggest in the context of India for better outcome of the SDG's? (200 words)
Answer : The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), also called Global Goals, and Agenda 2030 are an inter-governmentally agreed set of targets relating to international development. They will follow on from the Millennium Development Goals once those expire at the end of 2015. The SDGs were first formally discussed at the United Nations Conference on Sustainable Development held in Rio de Janeiro in June 2012 (Rio+20).
A final document was adopted at the UN Sustainable Development Summit September 25-27, 2015 in New York, USA. The title of the agenda is Transforming our world: the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development
This included the following goals:
SDGs and MDGs: The majority of the MDGs refer to improvements in the wellbeing of individuals, they are thus final goals of human development (education, health, access to water) to be measured at the micro-level. The SDG agenda also involves such goals (clean air, biodiversity), but also ones that refer to the preservation or establishment of global public goods (limiting climate change, financial stability) that can thus only be measured through macro-indicators. The latter are not objectives, but preconditions for sustainable development that for reasons of consistency should not enter into one agenda with final goals. Some of these are already addressed by MDG 8 (among them a fair financial and world trade system).
Both SDGs and MDGs have a lot in common, but in contrast to the MDGs, the proponents of SDGs see poverty as merely one of a number of global issues to be addressed, which again makes those in favour of the MDGs afraid that poverty reduction will become secondary in an SDG agenda as just one item among many others. On the other hand, the pro-SDG side criticizes the MDGs for having a too narrow concept of development and giving immediate results preference over socially, economically and ecologically sustainable ones.
India and SDGs: India's development agenda and its priority programmes and policies are in alignment with the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).
Poverty eradication, gender equality, affordable and reliable energy access for all; inclusive, safe, resilient cities and sustainable management of water and waste are some of the overarching goals proposed under the SDGs. These have consonance with three of India's priority programmes - namely, the '100 Smart Cities', the 'Swachh Bharat Abhiyan' and 'Make in India'.
The 100 Smart Cities programme will enable evolution of safe, resilient and sustainable cities through implementation of green retrofit, redevelopments and new developments; while the Swachh Bharat Abhiyan is a pan-India cleanliness drive meant to accomplish sanitation for all and is a policy driver to practice sustainable solid waste management. The Make in India programme is designed to foster innovation, enhance skill development and transform India into a manufacturer's dream destination. This, in turn, is expected to yield sustained and inclusive economic growth and industrialisation, another key determinant of sustainable development.Question : Cultural Diplomacy has always been a forte of India. Discuss this in the light of the recent initiatives taken by the government? Do you think that this type of engagement with nations dilutes the core of foreign policy of a nation? Examine. (200 word)
Answer : Cultural Diplomacy is recognised as an important instrument of foreign policy in promoting international links among peoples and countries. This cultural connectivity leads to strengthening of political, commercial and economic ties among countries. India recognised the importance of cultural diplomacy, as an instrument for people to people connectivity. Ministries of External Affairs and Culture share the responsibility for promoting cultural diplomacy.
To achieve this objective, India set up a nodal body, called the Indian Council for Cultural Relations (ICCR) in 1950.Since its creation, ICCR has used a number of instrumentalities, like Cultural Centres, Festivals of India, Chairs of Indian Studies, etc. in promoting not only cultural but broader linkages with countries across the world. There is an expansion of Cultural Centres and Chairs of Indian Studies. The Centres are now treated as 'cultural hubs' and not as 'Indian Islands'.
Recent Govt. Initiatives: Under the banner of India's 'Look East'/'Act East' policy, government has used culture to appeal to the peoples of Asia.Much of this has been through Buddhism, which more than any other region or philosophy connects all of Asia. In 2015, India hosted the International Buddha Poornima Diwas, a global celebration of Buddha's birth, enlightenment and passing. One of New Delhi's aims with Buddhism is to neutralize any Chinese soft power advantage.China's foreign ministry has recently sought to elevate Buddhism's role as a foreign policy tool.
Generally, cultural diplomacy is more focused on the longer term and less on specific policy matters. The intent is to build up influence over the long term for when it is needed by engaging people directly. This influence has implications ranging from national security to increasing tourism and commercial opportunities. It allows the government to create a "foundation of trust" and a mutual understanding that is neutral and built on people-to-people contact. Another unique and important element of cultural diplomacy is its ability to reach youth, non-elites and other audiences outside of the traditional embassy circuit. This, in turn, aids in the interpretation of intelligence, enhances a nation's prestige and aids in garnering support for policies abroad. All of these factors affect a nation's security, thus, cultural diplomacy has an effect on, and a role to play, in regards to national security.
Question : Write brief notes on ‘Indian Oil Diplomacy in Latin America’ in not more than 20 words.
Answer : Building upon its cumulative expansion of trade with the region which has now reached $25 billion and investments touching $15 billion. It is against this backdrop that a new India with its proven prowess in IT and knowledge industries is seeking to scale up ties with a new Latin America. Latin America’s attractions for India are myriad.
The region is going to play an increasingly important role in energy security for India. Currently, Latin America contributes around 10 percent of India’s crude oil imports. The region has 15 percent of global reserves and new discoveries of oil will ensure that it will become more important for India’s energy security.
Indian Oil signed Joint Venture Agreement for $20 Billion Carabobo-1 Project in Venezuela. Ecuador’s Foreign Minister visited India in 2006 during which a bilateral MoU was signed between PETROECUADOR and India´s OVL. Colombia’s Energy Minister visited Delhi in September 2008 to sign a bilateral MoU on Cooperation in Energy.
India’s Minister of Mines visited Colombia in 2011 and signed a bilateral MoU on cooperation in mining with India’s interest focussed on Colombia’s coal deposits. OVL’s expertise in deep water oil drilling was recognised by joint venture partners Petrobras of Brazil and others who intend to exploit wells from 700 meters to 2500 meters depth. OVL obtained, through its wholly owned subsidiary ONGC Campos Ltd., four concessions in JVs in Brazil’s offshore Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ).
Question : Write brief notes on ‘13 Plus Amendment’ in not more than 20 words.
Answer : The 13th amendment was introduced to create provincial councils as a follow up action on Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement of 1987 to devolve powers to the Tamil majority north and east. Whereas under 13 amendments plus after 2009 President Mahinda Rajapaksa had pledged to improve on the devolution of powers presently granted to the provinces in terms of the 13th Amendment.
Question : Write brief notes on ‘India’s Connect Central Asia Policy’ in not more than 20 words.
Answer : India’s ‘Connect Central Asia’ Policy is a broad based approach, including political, security, economic and cultural connections. The new ‘Connect Central Asia’ policy would include rebuilding Afghanistan into a trade hub, closer military cooperation and more proactive diplomacy through bodies such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation and the Eurasian Economic Community.
There would be further initiatives focusing on India’s areas of expertise, such as an ‘e-network’ delivering tele-education and - medicine throughout the region and the establishment of a university in Bishkek focusing on IT, management and languages.
Question : Write brief notes on ‘Indo-US Cooperation in Higher Education’ in not more than 20 words.
Answer : The United States and India share strong linkages and a history of collaboration in the field of higher education. The United States is the most favoured destination for Indian students, with more than 100,000 Indian students pursuing higher studies in the United States.
President Barack Obama and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh announced the Obama-Singh 21st Century Knowledge Initiative in November 2009 to fund institutional partnerships between Indian and U.S. institutions of higher education, through faculty exchanges and research and innovation collaboration in the priority areas of food security, climate change, sustainable health and public health.
Question : Legacy of Hugo Chavez. (50 words)
Answer : As the most popular President of Venezuela for the last 14 years, Chavez’s accomplishments were legion. Not only did he transform Venezuela into a socialist welfare state overnight, but he also led the Latin American Revolution on a continental scale – a revolution which liberated 12 countries in the region from U.S. imperialist domination.
This accomplishment made Chavez an international hero to people in the Global South and North, who looked to him as an example and inspiration in their struggle against Western neocolonialism. Before Chavez, more than half the people in Venezuela lived in poverty, a figure that he had succeeded in reducing by half before his death.
He instituted free universal health care and free education, raising the country’s literacy rate to an astonishing 100%. He implemented land reforms and created government supermarkets which cut the cost of food by 40%. Before these major social improvements, 70% of Venezuelans had no access to basic medical care, and 40% of them were illiterate.
Chavez also increased the minimum wage by more than 600%, reduced unemployment from 20% to 6%, and moved Venezuela up four positions in the United Nations Human Development Index.
Question : India-Bhutan Power Cooperation. (50 words)
Answer : India has so far set up three projects – Tala (1,020 Mw), Chukha (336 Mw) and Kurichu (60 Mw) - in Bhutan under the IGA mode, where the entire funding is provided as grant, or soft loans, by the Indian government to Bhutan which implements projects with technical assistance from the Central Electricity Authority under the Power Ministry. In return, India imports 90 per cent of the power generated. The 10,000 Mw new capacities which is being planned to be set up include some of the large-sized projects.
This includes the 770 Mw Chankharchu-I project, which India wants developed in a JV between Bhutan's power company and National Hydroelectric Corp (NHPC), 600 Mw Kholongchu and 570 Mw Wanchu projects in a JV with Satluj Jal Vidyut Nigam (SJVN) and 180 Mw Bunakha hydro power plant planned to be set up in a JV with THDC India Ltd.
Question : Indo-Myanmar border issue. (50 words)
Answer : The fresh territorial problems arose from a 10- km border fence on the Indo-Myanmar border in Chandel district. The Myanmarese army has reportedly constructed one camp at Holenphai village near the border town of Moreh. The Myanmarese army had ignored the objections from the district police and civil officials. Intercepting the felling down of trees at Holenphai village the Manipur officials had tried to dissuade them from the destruction of forest for the construction of the army camp. However the army officers maintained that as per British maps the area comes under Mynamar. It is significant to note that the claim is made only now.
The Election Commission of India appoints Observers under section 20B of the Representation of the People Act, 1951. They are the eyes and ears of the commission. They keep a watch over expenditure incurred by a candidate or by a political party. The observer can stop the counting of votes, if in his opinion a booth capturing has taken place.
Question : Discuss the imperatives for the region and India under the Hassan Rouhani’s leadership in Iran. (50 words)
Answer : The India-Iran relations under Rouhani will depend on the following factors: First, what is going to be the focus of the new government in Tehran? Will it prioritise its focus on improving ties with West and its immediate neighbours or will it give equal attention to other Asian countries? Second, how India is able to balance its relations with Israel, the US and the GCC countries and Iran? Third, how will Iran-US relations unfold in future?
Although there was no reference to India in Rouhani’s press statement but given the current level of political and economic engagement between the two countries, Rouhani is expected to continue on the same line. In the past few years both India and Iran have been trying to manage their economic, energy and political cooperation in the shadow of the US and European Union sanctions. Iran which was the second largest supplier of oil to India lost this position to Iraq.
There is an effort on the part of both India and Iran to enhance connectivity through the International North South Transport Corridor (INSTC) and the Chabahar Port, which will help connect South, Central and West Asia to Europe. India’s decision to upgrade the Chabahar Port project was conveyed during the External Affairs Minister’s visit in June. India has agreed to invest US$100 million in free trade zone in Chabahar. The significance of Chabahar Port is that it will facilitate a transit route to land-locked Afghanistan.
Question : Trilateral cooperation on maritime Security between India, Maldives and Sri Lanka. (50 words)
Answer : The trilateral agreement was reached in the context of the need for a more robust maritime security environment in the Indian Ocean region. The participants signed an Outcome Document outlining further collaborative measures in the areas of Maritime Domain Awareness (MDA); strengthening coordination of maritime Search and Rescue (SAR); promoting marine oil pollution response cooperation; expanding 'DOSTI' (friendship) exercises; and sharing of information on illegal maritime activities; and piracy.
The roadmap for future cooperation in all these areas was confirmed and some important aspects among others are as follows:
Question : Is the post LTTE India-Sri Lanka relationship moving from cooperation to trust deficit? Discuss. (200 words)
Answer : New Delhi’s relations with Sri Lanka in the two years since the defeat of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) have had four main priorities:
India’s approach has so far paid only limited dividends. Deepening militarisation and Sinhalisation in the Northern Province have increased the insecurity and political marginalisation of Tamils and are undermining prospects for inter-ethnic reconciliation. The government continues to resist any investigation or accounting for mass atrocities committed in the final months of the war.
Democratic governance is under sustained assault throughout the country, as power is concentrated in the President’s family and the Military; attacks on independent media and political opponents continue with impunity. Even on Indian-sponsored development projects and economic integration, the Sri Lankan government has dragged its feet; for example, construction has begun on only a handful of the 50,000 houses India has offered to build in the Northern Province.
India’s reluctance to put serious pressure on the Sri Lankan government is also due to strategic considerations, in particular its desire to counter the growing influence of China, whose financial and political support the Rajapaksa government has been cultivating.
India’s own growing economic interests in Sri Lanka have also tempered its political activism. New Delhi’s traditional reluctance to work through multilateral bodies or in close coordination with other governments – due in part to its fear of international scrutiny of its own conflicts, particularly in Kashmir – has also significantly weakened its ability to influence Sri Lanka.
Question : What are the major issues prohibiting the successful conclusion of the Doha Development Round of the WTO? What are the prospects of multilateralism of the WTO? (200 words)
Answer : Agriculture has become the lynchpin of the agenda for both developing and developed countries. Three other issues have been important. The first, now resolved, pertained to compulsory licensing of medicines and patent protection. A second deals with a review of provisions giving special and differential treatment to developing countries; a third addresses problems that developing countries are having in implementing current trade obligations.
Agriculture is particularly important for developing countries, because around 75% of the population in developing countries lives in rural areas, and the vast majority are dependent on agriculture for their livelihoods.
The first proposal in Qatar, in 2001, called for the end agreement to commit to substantial improvements in market access; reductions (and ultimate elimination) of all forms of export subsidies; and substantial reductions in trade distorting support.” The United States is being asked by the European Union (EU) and the developing countries, led by Brazil and India, to make a more generous offer for reducing trade-distorting domestic support for agriculture.
A major topic at the Doha ministerial regarded the WTO Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS). The issue involves the balance of interests between the pharmaceutical companies in developed countries that held patents on medicines and the public health needs in developing countries.
Developing countries claim that they have had problems with the implementation of the agreements reached in the earlier Uruguay Round because of limited capacity or lack of technical assistance. They also claim that they have not realized certain benefits that they expected from the Round, such as increased access for their textiles and apparel in developed-country markets.
Question : The United Nations has successfully acted as a forum to promote peace, harmony and development in the world. Critically examine this statement. (200 words)
Answer : The founders of the UN had envisaged that the organization would act to prevent conflicts between nations and make future wars impossible, however the outbreak of the Cold War made peacekeeping agreements extremely difficult because of the division of the world into hostile camps.
Following the end of the Cold War, there were renewed calls for the UN to become the agency for achieving world peace, as several dozen ongoing conflicts continue to rage around the globe.
The Security Council is charged with maintaining peace and security among countries. While other organs of the United Nations can only make 'recommendations' to member governments, the Security Council has the power to make binding decisions that member governments have agreed to carry out, under the terms of Charter Article 25. The decisions of the Council are known as United Nations Security Council resolutions.
The UN, after approval by the Security Council, sends peacekeepers to regions where armed conflict has recently ceased or paused to enforce the terms of peace agreements and to discourage combatants from resuming hostilities. Since the UN does not maintain its own military, peacekeeping forces are voluntarily provided by member states of the UN.
The forces, also called the "Blue Helmets", who enforce UN accords, are awarded United Nations Medals, which are considered international decorations instead of military decorations. The peacekeeping force as a whole received the Nobel Peace Prize in 1988. The UN has also drawn criticism for perceived failures. In many cases, member states have shown reluctance to achieve or enforce Security Council resolutions, an issue that stems from the UN's intergovernmental nature—seen by some as simply an association of 193 member states who must reach consensus, not an independent organization.
Disagreements in the Security Council about military action and intervention are seen as having failed to prevent the 1971 Bangladesh atrocities, the 1994 Rwandan Genocide, failed to provide humanitarian aid and intervene in the Second Congo War, failed to intervene in the 1995 Srebrenica massacre and protect a refugee haven by authorizing peacekeepers to use force, aborted the 1992/1993 peacekeeping operations during the civil war in Somalia, neglected to implement provisions of Security Council resolutions related to the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, and continuing failure to prevent genocide or provide assistance in Darfur.
Question : India should renegotiate the Nuclear Liability Act to address the safety concerns of the people of India. Comment (150 words)
Answer : The Civil Liability for Nuclear Damage Act (“Liability Act”) was a controversial legislation introduced in 2010. Notwithstanding the fact that the Liability Act was intended to act as a tool to operationalise the Indo-US nuclear agreement, it seems to have had quite the opposite effect.
Critics point towards the negative impact of the Liability Act on two broad grounds. First, it is contended that it has failed to generate a tangible, positive impact on India’s domestic civilian nuclear power programme. This aspect is especially highlighted in light of the possible presence of equally efficacious alternatives which can help India achieve energy security. Second, it is also contended that these measures have de facto aligned India with the USA, and have led to a scenario wherein Indian foreign policy has been dovetailed to the USA’s policies.
With regard to the first issue, it has been argued that India possesses sufficient potential to harness energy from other sources, such as hydropower, solar power and wind energy. Additionally, it has also been pointed out that removing existing inefficiencies and redundancies from the system would raise output. For instance, it has been argued that India can add a significant chunk to its current power output by simply reducing transmission and distribution (T&D) losses – attributed to old, defective or faulty equipment. Some estimates suggest a loss of about 27%, while the adoption of international best practices can reduce this to about 7% – resulting in savings of about 40,000 MW. For reference, the operational Kudankulam reactor generates about 1000MW.
With regard to the second ground, the concerns are more strategic in nature. Especially in light of the first ground, this issue assumes greater significance.
The Liability Act itself is problematic not just because of the manner in which it was introduced, but also because of its content. The provisions remain unsatisfactory for both the public, and the foreign supplier organisations. The Act places a cap on operator liability (which is, arguably, low considering the expected extent of costs involved with a nuclear accident), while also opening the possibility of extending liability to suppliers in case of patent/latent defects. International firms are especially concerned over the manner in which a supplier has been defined, potentially including a firm which manufactured a single pump, motor or assisted in design work. The Attorney General of India’s opinion – that the govt. may contract out of the liability provision, created quite a controversy before it was clarified that the government did not intend to do, clearly, still not addressing the legal issue.
Several other problem areas have been identified like treatment of the parliamentary standing committee’s recommendations, provisions allowing the government to grant exemptions from liability, standard of proof, jurisdiction of civil courts (except writ jurisdiction), role and powers of the Claims Commissioner, requirement for notification of nuclear accidents, among others.
Question : US wants a Unipolar world and a multi-polar Asia. Comment. (150 words)
Answer : At a time when Asia is in transition, with the specter of a power imbalance looming large, it has become imperative to invest in institutionalized cooperation to reinforce the region’s strategic stability. After all, not only is Asia becoming the pivot of global geopolitical change, but Asian challenges are also playing into international strategic challenges.
All of this is highlighting America’s own challenges, which are being exacerbated by its eroding global economic preeminence and involvement in two overseas wars. Such challenges dictate greater US-China cooperation to ensure continued large capital inflows from China, as well as Chinese political support on difficult issues ranging from North Korea and Burma to Pakistan and Iran.
But, just when America’s Sino-centric Asia policy became noticeable, Japan put the US on notice that it cannot indefinitely remain a faithful servant of American policies. Japan government is seeking to realign foreign policy and rework a 2006 deal for the basing of US military personnel on Okinawa. It also announced an end to its eight-year-old Indian Ocean refueling mission in support of the US-led war in Afghanistan.
Meanwhile, China’s resurrection of its long-dormant claim to the northeastern Indian state of Arunachal Pradesh, and its needling of India over Kashmir (one-fifth of which is under Chinese control), is testing the new US-India global strategic partnership.
The US has chartered a course of tacit neutrality on the Arunachal Pradesh issue to the delight of China, which aims to leave an international question mark hanging over the legitimacy of India’s control of the Himalayan territory, which is almost three times as large as Taiwan. Indeed, the Obama administration has signaled its intent to abandon elements in its ties with India that could rile China, including a joint military exercise in Arunachal and any further joint naval maneuvers involving Japan or other parties, like Australia.
An Asian geopolitical divide centered on political values would, of course, carry significant implications. And, while Asia – with the world’s fastest-growing markets, fastest-rising military expenditures, and most-volatile hot spots – holds the key to the future global order, its major powers remain at loggerheads.
Central to Asia’s future is the strategic triangle made up of China, India, and Japan. Not since Japan rose to world-power status during the Meiji emperor’s reign in the second half of the nineteenth century has another non-Western power emerged with such potential to alter the world order as China today. Indeed, as the US intelligence community’s 2009 assessment predicted, China stands to affect global geopolitics more profoundly than any other country.
China’s ascent, however, is dividing Asia, and its future trajectory will depend on how its neighbors and other players, like the US, manage its rapidly accumulating power. At present, China’s rising power helps validate American forward military deployments in East Asia. The China factor also is coming handy in America’s efforts to win new allies in Asia.
But, as the US-China relationship deepens in the coming years, the strains in some of America’s existing partnerships could become pronounced. For example, building a stronger cooperative relationship with China is now taking precedence in US policy over the sale of advanced weaponry to Asian allies, lest the transfer of offensive arms provoke Chinese retaliation in another area.
Never before have China, Japan, and India all been strong at the same time. Today, they need to find ways to reconcile their interests in Asia so that they can coexist peacefully and prosper.
But there can be no denying that these three leading Asian powers and the US have different playbooks: America wants a unipolar world but a multi-polar Asia; China seeks a multi-polar world but a unipolar Asia; and Japan and India desire a multi-polar Asia and a multi-polar world.Question : Discuss the changing Indo-Maldivian bilateral relationship in the context of recent developments. (150 words)
Answer : During 2012-13, India-Maldives relations suffered considerably. The Maldivian Government terminated the Indian company GMR contract of the Male airport on allegations of irregularity in awarding the project. The former President Nasheed had to take shelter in the Indian embassy in 2013 due to violent protests on the streets of Male. The bilateral relations touched a new low in February 2013.
Trade and Investment, Connectivity: Trade agreement between India- Maldives during Maldives’ President visit in 2013 include the facilitation of trade credit to the Maldives to the amount of 25 million dollars, the relaxation of restriction on export of stone aggregates, the favourable disposition of India for the Maldives request to import petroleum from India, and the supply of other essential commodities.
India and Maldives have also agreed to enhance connectivity, set up a joint consultative commission, promote investments, and step up security cooperation between the two countries. President Yameen acknowledged that Indian supplies of petroleum product would help Maldives to reduce its debt burden and the visa regime would be simplified to promote people to people contacts.
Security: Security interests of both the countries are interlinked, within the institutional framework of security cooperation, India and Maldives have agreed to enhance anti-terrorism cooperation and intensify cooperation in the areas of training and capacity building of the Maldives National Defense Force and the Maldives Police Service.
Cooperation in Indian Ocean: Both countries need to strengthen cooperation to enhance maritime safety and security in the Indian Ocean Region through joint patrolling and aerial and maritime surveillance, exchange of information, capacity building and the development of an effective legal framework against piracy. Such a framework for bilateral cooperation but should also be seen in the context of the ongoing trilateral India-Sri Lanka-Maldives talks on regional security. Interestingly this is a first trilateral security cooperation of its kind for India.
A deeper and comprehensive engagement with Maldives as with the other neighbours is vital for India. Any hesitation in dealing with its neighbours will only invite external powers to step in making a difficult situation even more complex. With the visit of the newly elected president, India has made a good beginning in its relations with Maldives and this should be truly sustained.Question : Despite its heavy weight, the G-20 has failed to bring about tangible positive developments in international affairs. Present your views with respect to St. Petersburg Summit, 2013. (150 words)
Answer : The failure at the G-20 summit to reach an agreement that would have enabled a Security Council deal was expected. The meeting of the world's 20 most important industrialized and emerging nations was originally conceived as an economic forum. Its limits are quickly reached when it is used to discuss issues of foreign policy. Only a few years ago, fans of the G-20 dreamed the constellation could be developed into a substitute for the large and often unruly UN, but few speak in such broad strokes today.
St. Petersburg summit has demonstrated that the differences in interests and political views between the member states are simply too great. It is largely the Western nations, who view themselves as champions of universal values and norms that are pushing for an intervention in Syria on humanitarian grounds. When it comes to emerging nations, however, foreign policy tends to be more pragmatic. The best example of that is China, which has warned that a military strike against Syria could jeopardize the global economy.
Overshadowed by Syria the intended focus of the G-20 meeting had been the global economy, but those discussions were overshadowed by the Syria crisis. The Europeans had sought to push for deeper efforts to combat shadow banks and tax evasion. In principle, the G-20 countries had already agreed that all financial centers around the world would be subjected to supervisory authorities. But things fell apart when it got down to the details. Many emerging countries, but also the United States, don't believe they should have to sacrifice domestic advantages for the sake of greater competition for international capital.
That's why summit participants didn't agree to any concrete measures in the fight against tax tricks used by large corporations. Nor were they able to reach any agreement on tighter regulations for shadow banks, including hedge funds, private equity and money market funds.
Peace Conference Unlikely: Though bringing Syrians to the table will be difficult, bridging the gap between Russia and the US will be equally complicated. Diplomatic relations between the two nations have hit rock bottom at this week's G-20 summit. Not only did Putin openly called Secretary of State John Kerry a liar, Obama's deputy national security adviser, Ben Rhodes, said that Russia had contributed nothing to a solution in Syria. Verbal disarmament is unlikely -- the discussion will only become more heated.
Question : Evaluate the contribution of the Indian Diaspora to economic development of India. What is needed to be done to increase their contribution to economic development of the country? (100 words)
Answer : Indian Diaspora is formed by NRIs and PIO. A non-resident is a citizen of India who holds an Indian passport and has temporarily - immigrated to another country for six months or more for work, residence or any other purpose. A person of Indian origin (PIO) is a person of Indian origin or ancestry and some other countries who was or whose ancestors were born in India but is not a citizen of India and is the citizen of another country.
A PIO might have been a citizen of India and subsequently taken the citizenship of another country. It is also given names like overseas Indian and expatriate Indian. Indian -Diaspora constitutes a significant economic, social and cultural force in the countries around the world. Spread across 110 countries, their enterprise, economic strength, education and professional skills are widely recognized. The global Indian Diaspora has grown tremendously in numbers, stature, wealth and influence over the past decade. It will be in India’s best interest to engage with her Diaspora. Doing so in an effective and relevant manner will enable members of this dynamic group to capitalise upon the emerging business and investment opportunities in India and thereby to contribute towards India’s future growth and development.
The emergence of significant Diasporas has in recent years brought into sharp focus two key facts. First, there is a large expatriate population of skilled people from emerging economies in the developed world. Second, overseas communities can constitute a significant resource for the development of the countries of origin.
The movement of the high skilled and low skilled workers from less to more developed economies and back opens several new opportunities for development. To view the Diaspora only through the looking glass of remittances and financial flows is to take a myopic view. Not all expatriates need to be investors and their development impact measured only in terms of financial contributions to the home country.
An overseas community can and does serve as an important 'bridge' to access knowledge, expertise, resources and markets for the development of the country of origin.
India has the second largest Diaspora in the world. The overseas Indian community estimated at over 25 million is spread across every major region in the world. It is now being witnessed in the growing popularity of Indian films, dance, music, arts and culture on foreign shores, the strong surge in remittances back home, and the return of many to live and work in India and in their increasing engagement with India's development. The relationship between India and its overseas community is growing, new partnerships evolving and newer multi-faceted dimensions being explored.
Indian Diaspora sends US$27 billion in remittances back to India each year, the largest sum for any country. They also contribute knowledge of the world, international networks, new ideas, technologies and markets to their homeland. With the support of its Diaspora, India has become a world leader in business process outsourcing, information technology and pharmaceuticals.
The Ministry of Overseas Indian Affairs (MOIA) has been set up with the objective to promote, nurture and sustain a mutually beneficial and symbiotic relationship between India and its Diaspora. The Ministry also recognizes that the various states are important players in our Union of States. Therefore States are encouraged to develop a stake in the entire process of engagement with the Diaspora and become natural stakeholder partners. Diaspora has made immense contribution to their State of origin through remittances, foreign direct investment (FDI), transfer of knowledge and entrepreneurial networks.
The ‘Overseas Indian Facilitation Centre’ (OIFC) has also been set up by the Ministry of Overseas Indian Affairs in public-private partnership with Confederation of Indian Industry (CII). The Centre acts as ‘one- stop shop’ for serving the interests of the Indians located abroad. Besides, there is ‘Ministry of Finance’ which deals with financial aspects relating to overseas Indians. The Indian Investment Centre is an autonomous body functioning under the Ministry of Finance, promoting foreign private investment, including investments by NRIs, PIOs and Overseas Corporate Bodies.
There is the ‘Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) Policy’, which governs the various aspects of foreign investment in India. This policy aims to attract FDI, in all the permitted sectors of Indian economy, both by foreign and overseas investors. There are mainly two routes permissible for foreign investments, such as, the Automatic route and the Government route. NRIs/PIOs are also permitted to open bank accounts in India out of funds remitted from abroad, foreign exchange brought in from abroad or out of funds legitimately due to them in India.
Today, the Diaspora is not courted for its wealth only, but also for its knowledge, technology as well as political and economic influence. The Diaspora also finds that there are many reasons to engage with India with much pride. Examples of NRIs and PIOs returning to India, to invest their savings and generate employment or to take up leading positions in industry/society and transfer their know-how, is now a common feature. Similarly, Indian corporations, leveraging off the expertise of the Diaspora, to tap international markets and expand their global footprints, are also no longer rare testimonials.
Indian Diaspora with its unique knowledge and networks can help to deepen mutual understanding, forge productive business partnerships and promote trade and investment flows all over the world. This will further help in deepening of the ties between India and world economies and thus help in developing a more competitive, industrious and vibrant relationship.
Question : India’s strategic partnership with America has many costs and benefits. Elucidate. (100 words)
Answer : The US- India Strategic Partnership as observed in the recent past was “Neither Strategic” and Nor a Partnership” and that it stood reduced in US policy planning processes to milking India of billions of dollars defense contracts from the over 100 billion dollars estimated Indian defense purchases.
Unlike the previous Indian Government where the Prime Minister was a nominated Prime Minister and headed a disparate coalition Government, India’s present Prime Minister with clear majority in the last 30 years of India’s political history in the elections held in May 2014. The US-India Strategic Partnership in 2014 stand substantially changed. This is an important element which the United States policy establishment needs to recognise as they sit down in confabulations.
In terms of the strategic component of the US-India Strategic Partnership, India today cannot hope for any substantial “deliverables” from the United States in terms of contributions to India’s national security as regards China and Pakistan or even a more forthright US assertion on Kashmir, all of which are dear to the Indian heart and shape Indian public perceptions of the United States. Other than some sanctimonious statements on new emerging global terrorism challenges and need for a global effort, nothing more can be expected. India would not be willing to join in any military effort in US war on the ISIS.
India will however be under great US pressure to yield in the area of defense purchases from the United States including a review of the 126 Medium Multi-Role Combat Aircraft (MMRCA) fighters order to France, inordinately delayed by such pressures.
In the economic sphere there are major irritants in the US-India relationship extending from the Nuclear Liability Law, Doha Round of talks, Climate Change and pressures on India for a greater liberalised opening for US firms investments in India.
Curiously, the intensity and wide ranging US pressures applied on India to liberalise Indian markets openings for US businesses suggest that US businesses expect and demand “US businesses exceptionalism” from India to the exclusion of all other countries. India has many other sources of FDI other than the United States. Economically today it is the United States that needs India more than India needs the United States.
The United States has been arrogant and demanding on trade and economic issues. US analysts argue that personal chemistry between the two political leaders can bring about a transformational change in the US-India Strategic Partnership. But then it has to be remembered that President Obama has not much leeway at hand as he runs into the last lap of his presidency and is besieged by external challenges in the Middle East and a dwindling popularity at home.
The US-India Strategic Partnership will continue to be fragile even in the years to come till such time the US policy establishments and the US Congressmen to follow, change their attitudinal responses to India to one of “Equitable Equations” and learn to respect India’s strategic, political and economic sensitivities. After all even charismatic US Presidents well disposed towards India have in the past been stymied in their political reach out to India by obstructive US bureaucracies and US Congressmen who ultimately define US policies towards India. Time is on India’s side and India can afford to wait.
Question : Production of the weapons of mass destruction increases proportionately to the amount of mistrust among the nations of the world and suppression of the weaker nations by the stronger ones. Discuss in the light of developments in the recent past. (100 words)
Answer : The geo-politics is dominated by the wealthy and powerful nations. They dictate their terms in polity, economy and other arenas. The poorer and weaker nations have a feeling that they do not get fair deals. Their natural resources are controlled by MNCs and TNCs supported by their governments.
Anti-Americanism and hate for NATO in developing countries is a common occurring. The new world order is replete with cases of attacks on sovereignty, natural resources, suppression and machinations by strong nations and groups.
This suspicion makes the need for deterrence. The weaker nations do neither have capital or technology to develop these. Yet many of them peruse policies of development of chemical weapons because of mistrust. Iran, Syria and Iraq are cited as examples; even Pakistan and North Korea too. Therefore the above statement is true.
Question : India is the highest remittance earning country of the world. What are the problems facing the Indian work force abroad. Suggest measures to improve their plight.
Answer : India continues to be the worlds’ largest recipient of remittances with the huge amount of $71 billion being sent back from workers abroad, according to a new forecast from the World Bank. The other top recipients of officially recorded remittances for 2013 are China ($60 billion), the Philippines ($26 billion), Mexico ($22 billion), Nigeria ($21 billion), and Egypt ($20 billion).
The $71 billion in remittances to India are almost three times of the total foreign direct investments that the country received in 2012. This means that the Indian economy is heavily dependent on the money being sent home by migrant workers
Some of the problems are lack of workplace safety, abuses made by recruiting agencies, poor living conditions and the Kafala system under which workers are unable to change jobs or leave the country without their sponsor company’s permission (Gulf countries) leave Indian migrant workers in semi-slave conditions, where they cannot even protest against lower wages or poor living conditions, because that is tied to them being able to leave the country.
The situation is particularly dire for the millions of migrant domestic workers, almost exclusively women, isolated in private homes, Human Rights Watch said. "Excluded from key protections in national labour laws, they are at heightened risk of exploitation and abuse, and they are sometimes subjected to conditions of slavery."
Human Rights Watch called for SAARC countries to band together to create a regional protection initiative for South Asian workers in the Gulf. A SAARC regional protection initiative could significantly enhance the living and working conditions of workers in low-paid sectors from India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Nepal, and Bangladesh, who routinely face violations of international labour standards and human rights law in the six Gulf states.
Question : Discuss the contemporary constraints on the India’s ability to exercise greater influence at the United Nations. (100 words)
Answer : During India’s last stint on the United Nations Security Council in 2011-12, it was unable to pursue the originally charted strategy of demonstrating responsible diplomacy in the leagues of the great powers while also making the body a more legitimate and representative organisation. While delving into India’s efforts to achieve its objectives, contemporary issues putting constraints on the country’s ability to exercise greater influence at the UN. It also sketches what an alternative Indian policy at the UN could look like.
India joined the UNSC in 2011 after a hiatus of 19 years. During this absence, India’s relationship with the body had changed dramatically. The world in 2011 was further down the post-Cold War path to multi-polarity with the rise of new powers such as China and India, and with North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) countries humbled by their misadventures in Afghanistan. The UNSC in 2011 was both a more active and a more politically diverse body than it had been in the past. Along with India on the council for 2011 were Brazil, South Africa and Germany – all significant powers in the rapidly changing world order. India itself had undergone a dramatic economic transformation since the end of the cold war and was now a rising power in Asia. Consequently, the world expected two things of India as it joined the UNSC in 2011 – responsible leadership on issues of international peace and security, and constructive engagement that would improve the effectiveness and legitimacy of the UNSC.
On responsible leadership, the first, articulated by western observers, suggests that a responsible power is one that recognises the benefits it receives from the international order and works towards sustaining that order.
The second, articulated by India, suggests that its responsibility lies in its domestic realm – to quote India’s National Security Advisor, “India would only be a responsible power if our choices better the lot of our people”. Given these interpretations, India’s performance on the UNSC in 2011-12 emerges quite positively. With regard to the various international crises addressed by the council – in Cote d’Ivoire, Libya and Syria – India did not undertake any actions that can be construed as detrimental to the international order.
Indeed, by counselling restraint on the question of military intervention and emphasising the importance of undertaking well-planned and adequately resourced UN missions, it upheld its role as a guardian of the UN Charter and its goals. With regard to its responsibility towards the wellbeing of its people, the Indian mission to the UN highlighted within the UNSC the need for concerted UN action on global terrorism and piracy, two key threats to India’s security and commercial interests. Nonetheless, western (particularly US) animus towards India’s role on the UNSC remained strong during this period.
Critiques centered on its reluctance to endorse vigorous multilateral action against the Syrian government’s crackdown on its own citizens. US ambassador to the UN, publicly voiced her disappointment with India – along with Brazil and South Africa – for not taking a stronger stance on Syria. Moreover, it underscores a strong bias in Western discourse, which views “responsibility” as being aligned with western – especially US – interests and preferences. By contrast, India was keen to “make its presence in the UNSC felt as an independent power, that is, a power that would not automatically follow the lead of the (P-5) but would judge issues on their merits”.
On balance, therefore, India pursued its own interpretation of responsibility but did not actively seek to undermine the UNSC’s capacity to maintain and promote global peace and security.
Question : What are the main reasons of rising trade deficit of India with China? Suggest measures to reduce it. (100 words)
Answer : India's trade deficit with its top trading partner China continued to mount, touching a whopping $ 31.42 billion as the bilateral trade declined by 1.5 per cent in 2013, registering a downward trend for the second consecutive year.
Interestingly, one of the main reasons for a fall in manufacturing was because of cheap imports, ironically mostly from China. Earlier, largely industrial product manufacturers were hit by cheaper imports from China, but with the advent of both organised and online retail, many domestic consumer goods producers have had to shut shop.
Indian manufacturers can hardly complain about cheap imports since they themselves are able to export to various countries only because India is a relatively cheaper manufacturing base. But China has a distinct advantage over India in terms of manufacturing.
Part of the reason for increasing anti-dumping tariffs is the rising trade between the two countries. Indo-China trade is expected to touch the $100 billion mark, but this is skewed heavily in China’s favour, meaning that India imports more from China than it exports there. An analysis points out that trade between the two countries has increased from $1 billion in 2000-01 to $36.2 billion in 2013-14.
The quality of trade is also weighted towards China. While India exports raw material such as iron ore to China, it imports manufactured products, which cost more. There is no denying the fact that China has a distinct advantage over India in manufacturing, given the strong support from the government, cost of funds and other cheaper inputs. Indian exporters have also been complaining about restrictive trade practices followed by China when it comes to imports of manufactured products.
But rising application of anti-dumping duties only signal the complaints that have been launched by manufacturers who are in the organised sector. There is no record of the number of small scale manufacturers who have been put out of business because of cheaper Chinese imports. Retailers, especially e-retailers, have added to the woes of small scale manufacturers in India. An aggressive export policy from China and an equally aggressive policy from importers in India have contributed to India’s trade deficit.
Question : Suggest the main requirements and methods for a result oriented engagement of India with Pakistan in view of recent developments. (100 words)
Answer : Relations between India and its historic rival Pakistan have deteriorated sharply in recent times, especially after change of government in the centre. There is rise in cross-border firing along the Line of Control (LoC) that separates the Indian- and Pakistani-held sections of the former princely state of Jammu and Kashmir. The cross-border shelling has resulted in at least a half-dozen deaths and terrorized villagers on both sides of the LoC.
Two “flag meetings” between locally-based Indian and Pakistani military officers were held at LoC checkpoints in September 2014. These meetings have done little to dampen tensions, as the two sides focused on trading accusations of responsibility for the surge in cross-border firing and incursions.
After Pakistan PM and Indian counterpart met and agreed that their Foreign Secretaries would soon meet there was much press speculation about a revival of the countries’ “comprehensive peace dialogue,” which has effectively been stalled since 2008, and of Modi engineering an historic rapprochement with Pakistan. These unwarranted hopes have now been dramatically dashed.
Since taking the reins of power, Government has repeatedly signaled their intention to pursue a more aggressive foreign policy. This has included highlighting their conception of India as the natural leader and regional hegemon of South Asia and accelerating the Indian military’s “modernization” program.
The US, which counts both India and Pakistan as important allies, has called the cancellation of the Foreign Secretaries’ talks “unfortunate.” But it has conspicuously refrained from criticizing India for seeking to change the diplomatic ground rules.
The flare up in Indo-Pakistani tensions is, nevertheless, a most unwelcome development for Washington. It further complicates the US effort to strategically and politically reconfigure Afghanistan, so it can withdraw most of its troops from the country while maintaining Afghan military bases from which it can project US power across energy-rich Central Asia and threaten China and Russia. To the consternation of Islamabad, the US has strongly supported India’s growing influence in Kabul, including India’s role in training Afghan security forces.
Some Indian foreign policy specialists are warning that the government’s provocative stance could backfire, including by helping Islamabad to “internationalize” the Kashmir dispute. But most of the Indian media has welcomed the hardline stance against Pakistan—no matter that events could quickly spin out of control. Not only are Indo-Pakistani relations highly explosive, intertwined as they are with communal relations and internal power struggles in both countries. US imperialism’s push to reassert its strategic hegemony across Eurasia is dangerously destabilizing all inter-state relations.
Question : What do you mean by sun shine policy and Gujral doctrine? Are these policies relevant in mending Indo-Pak relations? (150 words)
Answer : Sunshine policy or Gujaral doctrine of foreign policy is not based on the principle of reciprocity, which otherwise is the basic principle of foreign policy and diplomacy. These policies required doing good and remaining supportive and friendly even if the other country is not responding.
This policy is a special option in special cases. India has been following this policy with regard to Pakistan and South Korea with regard to North Korea. The advantage of this policy is that it keeps the channels of negotiation and interaction open. It may also lead to attitudinal changes.
Therefore these policies remain relevant for Indo-Pak relations. There are border disputes and J&K issue, which are marked by stringent positions. The ceasefire violations and skirmishes at border are common happenings.
The terrorists and other inimical forces are trying to breed suspicion and scuttle the peace process. In view of all these sunshine policy and Gujaral Doctrine may help to continue negotiations and trust building.
Question : Russia has never reconciled to the fact of its territorial divisions post 1999. Explain and justify the same considering some of the recent happenings in Ukraine? (200 words)
Answer : Ukraine has a history of political and cultural divide, with the West leaning more toward Europe and the East leaning toward Russia. There are differences, but any large country with diverse regions will have differences, which is natural.
Three basic regions in Ukraine
The center, including Kiev: Has influences of Christianity from the Byzantine Empire, around the 16th and 17th centuries, this area was most affected by the frontier military society called the Cossacks (eastern Slavs) and was briefly under the rule of Poland and Lithuania.
The west is a much smaller region. It shares many religious and linguistic influences with the center. Yet for a long period of time (from the thirteenth to mid-eighteenth centuries), it was controlled by Poland.
The southeast is the third region. Asian nomads migrated to this Steppe, or flat grassland, and the Slavs expanded into this area in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. In the 19th century, industry developed widely and urbanizes the area, attracting Russians.
Why Russia Annexed Crimea?
For many Russians, Kiev is in a foreign country. It’s a historical misunderstanding to have it belong to Ukraine. It’s a bizarre notion that the 1991 map shows Ukraine no longer in Russia. So to many Russians, annexing Crimea is simply repairing a historical wrong. It’s very difficult for many Russians to disentangle their own history from Ukraine’s and acknowledge the equality and legitimacy of the Ukrainian culture alongside their own. Many Ukrainians have adopted this Russian mentality as their own too. They want to be urban and sophisticated, learn Russian, and drop their Ukrainian accent.
There is a whole spectrum of attitudes, identities, and relationships among Ukrainians. Some are fervent nationalists, and some feel they are somehow under the wrong influences and would like to be Russians themselves. And of course there is everything in between.
How Ukraine crisis affect the world?
When Ukraine became independent in 1991, it inherited a nuclear arsenal from the Soviet Union, which made it the fourth largest nuclear power in the world. After much persuasion from western countries, in 1994 Ukraine gave up these weapons, and they were removed from the country.
In return, Ukraine was reassured by the leaders of the United States, Russia, and the United Kingdom of its security, sovereignty, and the inviolability of its borders. Russia has invaded Crimea, but the United States and the United Kingdom are still committed to this promise.
Of course, promises may be broken without much reaction. But this may spark growing concerns about countries not developing nuclear weapons, which may have grave implications for global security.
Question : On the basis of the recent verdict by the Permanent Court of Arbitration, elaborate India-Bangladesh maritime border disputes. Will the verdict be able to improve relations between the two nations? (200 words)
Answer : Asia is a hotbed of maritime disputes and The Bay of Bengal is no exception. On July 2014, a panel of five jurists of the Permanent Court of Arbitration delivered the long-awaited award concerning the maritime delimitation of Bangladesh and India. Bangladesh/India cements the boundary of the four maritime zones that the U.N. Convention on the Law of Sea (UNCLOS) entitles states to: the territorial sea, the exclusive economic zone (EEZ), the ‘inner’ continental shelf extending up to 200 nautical miles from the coasts of the states as well as the ‘outer’ continental shelf extending beyond 200 nautical miles from the coasts of the states.
The Tribunal made efforts to first, prevent “excessive negative consequences” and second, distribute maritime entitlements in a “reasonable and mutually balanced” fashion. The difference between these considerations, that were specifically pointed out by the Tribunal, and concerns of ‘equity’ that are constantly reiterated remain obscure. However, Bangladesh/India hereby obliterates any vacuum in outer continental shelf delimitation by laying out a recommended methodology for its treatment.
Also, the Bangladesh/India award creates a “grey area”. This area is where India’s 200 nautical mile EEZ and inner continental shelf overlaps with the outer continental shelf of Bangladesh, resulting in dual claims over a single zone. While India has claims over the subsoil as well as the water column above it, Bangladesh’s claim is limited to the former. The Tribunal acknowledges the existence of overlapping obligations. Remarking that this is not unknown in the realm of maritime delimitation, the Tribunal hopes for “the creation of a cooperative arrangement,” confident that this will “ensure that each is able to exercise its rights and perform duties within this area.” In determining Bangladesh’s maritime entitlements, the Tribunal settled on a series of reference spots on land called ‘base points’ from which the four maritime zones would be measured. Bangladesh’s early claim was that its constantly changing coastline militates against the use of standard methods for its treatment. The Tribunal’s response to Bangladesh is a reiteration of the established position in international law, that the future of a coastline is irrelevant.
The future: It is widely reported that the final award is a victory for Bangladesh and less so for India. However, the Indian government has stated that it will accept the award as binding. What the ‘grey zone’ portends makes for interesting speculation. Could this be a gateway to greater cooperation in South Asia, which fits in neatly with recent efforts to strengthen the role of SAARC or will ‘grey zone’ negotiations revive tensions? Bangladesh/India is a crucial landmark in the determination of the geographic and political contours of South Asia but it is only a beginning to the resolution of a long-standing problem.
Question : What is ‘Cold Start Military Strategy’? In the context of Indo-Pakistan conflict, elucidate ‘Cold Start Strategy’? (200 words)
Answer : In April 2004, the Indian Army announced a new limited war doctrine that would allow it to mobilize quickly and undertake retaliatory attacks in response to specific challenges posed by Pakistan’s “proxy war” in Kashmir. This Cold Start doctrine marked a break from the fundamentally defensive orientation that the Indian military has employed since independence. Cold Start represents a significant undertaking for the Indian military as it requires combined arms to operate jointly with airpower from the Indian Air Force.
Cold Start Strategy in the context of Indo Pakistan conflict:
Cold Start seeks to leverage India’s considerable conventional strength to respond to Pakistan’s continued provocation. This concept requires a reorganization of the Indian Army’s offensive power from the three large strike corps into eight smaller division-sized “integrated battle groups” (IBGs) that combine mechanized infantry, artillery, and armor in a manner reminiscent of the Soviet Union’s operational maneuver groups. The eight battle groups would be prepared to launch multiple strikes into Pakistan along different axes of advance. The ground operations of the IBGs require integration with close air support from the Indian Air Force and naval aviation assets to provide highly mobile fire support. In this strategy, India seeks to “mass firepower rather than forces. In addition, the holding corps is redesignated as “pivot corps” and would be bolstered by additional armor and artillery. This would allow them to concurrently man defensive positions and undertake limited offensive operations as necessary. Under the Cold Start concept, all elements of the Indian military would engage in continuous operations, day and night, until their military objectives were achieved.Question : Every bilateral and regional agreements signed between nations is a sign of hopelessness among the global community regarding the formation of WTO. Comment. (200 words)
Answer : In today’s world, WTO is a very important international economic organization. Since its foundation, it not only plays a non-exchangeable role in promoting the liberation, and standardization of trades, and also settling trade disputes, but it also promotes the economic development of developed and developing countries. As a basic entity, WTO enjoys three functions, supervising the implementation of the existing rules, settling trade disputes and formulating new trade rules. However, faced with the complex reality, it is very difficult for WTO to realize and implement its functions. Therefore, the primary missions are maintaining the vitality of the rules, lifting the world’s confidence in multilateral trade systems and finding new ways to solve key issues.
The challenges faced by WTO today are not only internal mechanism problems, but also challenges brought by the change of world political and economic environment. In recent years, the change of the world economic system and the shift of focus on world economic growth have deeply changed the previous political and economic relations. After the financial crisis of 2008, we have put more attention on the development of global governance mechanism, the emerging nations and the European sovereign debt crisis.
However, the Doha Round negotiations seem to be neglected by the world. Moreover, the old contradiction, like the uneven development between the North and South, is influenced by the change of the world economic system, thus fiercely dashing against the multilateral trade system. Some analysts think the trading system is in hot water, and will even collapse in the future. Studies by Chinese scholars suggest that key challenges faced by WTO are the contradictions between multilateral regime and bilateral regime, managing trade protectionism and the damage to the WTO rule-making and enforcement functions caused by the Doha Round negotiations.
“Considering the development process of the multilateral trade system and the many practical problems it faces, the WTO now is confronted with many challenges, which are mainly focused on three areas:
The first problem is the disagreements and confrontations between developed and developing countries. There are member states which are in different development levels of WTO. As they play different roles and have different positions in the international division of labor, their requirements in the multilateral trade system are also different.
The Uruguay Round negotiation was essentially a “deal” between developed and developing countries. That is to say, developed countries made concessions in negotiations on agricultural products and textiles, and developing countries agreed to include new issues such as service trade and intellectual property rights into the negotiation process of WTO. In many areas being negotiated today countries are limited in what they can offer making disagreement between developed and developing countries inevitable.
At the same time, “decision-making by consensus” and the “package principle” have made it difficult to reach a final agreement between developed and developing countries. “Decision-making by consensus” means that the final agreements can’t be signed as long as one state objects; the “package principle” means that the agreements on all the other issues also can’t be reached as long as states can’t reach an agreement on one issue. So these two factors indicate that if one state can’t accept one issue, no agreements can be signed. In this way, even the negotiations that have fewer disagreements will progress slowly due to the disputes of both sides. So it is very hard to reach agreements between developed and developing countries.
The general and unfocused solutions to the practical problems
Second, with the development of WTO, the issues that are the focus of attention are not limited to tariffs but also cover much more new areas that have already been integrated into the WTO agenda. Some studies show that as countries have different “relative returns” in different policy areas, adding new issues into the negotiation can contribute to find the balance point of interests. Therefore, compromises can be made when there are serious disagreements. But in fact, in WTO negotiations, developing countries particularly pay attention to “traditional issues” such as tariffs and agricultural access while developed countries are hardly bothered by these issues.
Developed countries prefer new issues such as climate change and they force developing countries to accept these new issues by occupying the moral high ground. The reason why developed countries are raising on these new issues, which do not meet the actual needs of developing countries, and propose the high standard, is that they want to affect the negotiation process on issues that developing countries are concerned about.
Conflicts between multilateral institutions and regional institutions
The last problem is the damage to WTO regulations. Actually, the major functions of WTO are connected with its rules, which include making, conducting and reviewing the regulations. The damage to WTO rules means the foundation of WTO being undermined, which is mainly reflected in three ways. Firstly, the Doha Round is advancing slowly and the needed update of regulation is hard to move forward.
The Doha Round is the first negotiation that has “development” as the theme instead of the “trade liberalization” that was central to the development process of the multilateral trade system after World War II. However, the Doha Round carries too many issues and expectations, and experienced too slow and complicated processes, which makes it hard for WTO to update its regulation and adapt itself to the rapid changes of the world economy. Secondly, the authority and the effectiveness of the WTO rules are being challenged. For example, the dispute settlement regulation seems fair, but actually it does more good to the developed countries. For example, even if a developing country wins a lawsuit in the dispute, taking trade retaliation measures is not a wise choice for it, especially if the object of retaliation is a great trading power, for it is disadvantageous for the developing country to use its own power to implement retaliation measures when there exist asymmetry interdependence between developing and developed countries. Meanwhile the U.S. often uses its domestic law to replace the international law in order to fight against the dispute settlement mechanism. In such situations, the authority of WTO is being questioned.
To conclude, if WTO wants to gain the world’s trust, it must take positive measures to limit the bad influence brought by “membership driving”, “power orientation” or “divergence between North-South”. The Doha Round negotiation should be promoted step by step to make WTO form a model that supplements a focus on multilateral regulations, which will maintain WTO’s hard-core status in the world trade.
Question : What is ‘Necklace of Diamond’ Concept? How do you think a “blue water” navy is indispensable for its success? (200 words)
Answer : India’s bilateral cooperation on strategic issues needs to be strengthened with seven countries in the eastern theatre — Myanmar, Indonesia, Singapore, Vietnam, South Korea, Japan and Australia. Some may term them a ‘potential necklace of diamonds.' However, the proposed cooperation among “maritime democracies” will merit consideration only if it is not a proxy for an anti-China alliance. For cementing collective endeavours to make the Indian Ocean and its periphery safe
Blue Water Navy: A blue-water navy is a maritime force capable of operating across the deep waters of open oceans. A term also to describe such a force is a navy possessing maritime expeditionary capabilities; it is also defined as "a maritime force capable of sustained operation across the deep waters of open oceans. A blue-water navy allows a country to project power far from the home country and usually includes one or more aircraft carriers.
Need of Blue Water Navy for India: New Delhi has been growing uneasy about Beijing’s perceived ‘String of Pearls’ strategy in the Indian Ocean. Some see this as encirclement by China’s strategic alliances and building of maritime facilities in Sri Lanka, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Myanmar. With China developing its own blue water navy, India aims to not only secure its own territory but also be able to project power further than its shores. While Beijing grows its influence in the Indian Ocean that India sees as its backyard, New Delhi in turn targets a strong presence in the eastern South China Sea. Both countries aim to have presence in the strategically located Malacca Straits, where 40 percent of the world’s trade and more than 80 percent of China’s oil imports pass through. While most of its wars have been fought on land and air, a strong navy with nuclear deployment capabilities gives India a much-needed strategic edge. As opposed to land and air, India is importantly at a relative locational advantage on the sea vis-à-vis China. It is argued that India’s naval advantage might allow it to impede oil traffic heading for China through the Malacca Straits.
Further, India and China are projected to be the largest sources of energy demand in the future, and domestic energy sources would be insufficient for both countries to meet their growing demand. India is expected to import 90 percent of its crude oil by 2030, and its coal imports are expected to more than double to 300 million tonnes by 2040. India needs to be able to protect the energy routes to bring these resources to its shores.
The tremors of China’s increasing claims in the South China Sea are already being felt across Asia, giving the Indian Navy more reason to beef up its fleet. While it might not be a primary player in the disputed waters, India would not want to be excluded from exploring assets in the resource-rich South China Sea or elsewhere as it scours far and wide for much-needed energy sources. Such fears are already starting to come true with China claiming control over the waters where an oil block was being explored by an Indian petroleum giant at Vietnam’s invitation earlier this year. A blue water navy would provide muscle for all these strategic imperatives, enhance regional power projection capabilities, more effectively protect India’s expanding energy and trade routes, and enable stronger defense and trade ties with other nations.
Question : Cold war is over but the cold war mentality is not. Do you agree with this statement? Present Your Views with some of the recent happenings? (200 words)
Answer : The Cold War was a 45-year global struggle between two superpowers with separate political-economic systems; their combined nuclear arsenals peaked in 1986 with an estimated 63,476 nuclear weapons. Nuclear war nearly broke out during the 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis and, less well known, during the 1983 Able Archer NATO exercise.
But in the more than two decades since the 1991 end of the Cold War, Russia has become integrated into world financial markets, now supplying Western Europe with a large share of its energy resources. In 2010 Russia and the United States signed the New START nuclear arms treaty, reducing each country’s arsenals to 1,550 deployed strategic nuclear warheads.
So despite worsening US-Russian relations over Ukraine, the current picture looks very different from the Cold War.
But, what about the risk of sudden, and massive, nuclear conflict between the United States and Russia? The risk is increasing due to the heightened US-Russian tensions over Ukraine. In thinking about that risk, it is important to distinguish between the possibilities of intentional nuclear attack, versus the risk of accidental or unauthorized use of nuclear weapons.
Today nuclear deterrence remains a foundational national security policy for both Russia and the United States. With approximately 900 nuclear weapons in each arsenal ready for prompt launch, an intentional nuclear attack by the United States or Russia would almost certainly result in a massive retaliation by the other side. Just several percent of these arsenals detonated over cities would destroy our societies. Therefore the Cold War situation of Mutual Assured Destruction continues as Winston Churchill described it in 1955: "safety will be the sturdy child of terror, and survival the twin brother of annihilation."
The Ukraine crises could prompt Russia and NATO to raise the alert levels of their nuclear forces even further. But so far that doesn’t seem to have happened. Now, regarding the risk of accidental or unauthorized use of nuclear weapons, both militaries insist that it is safe to keep nuclear weapons on alert. However the danger of accidental or unauthorized launch of nuclear weapons is mitigated only through technological safeguards and military discipline. In other words, the United States is dependent for its daily survival on adequate Russian command and control of its nuclear weapons, and vice versa.
Reducing the risks of catastrophic accidents involving nuclear weapons and reducing the dangers from compromised nuclear command and control are very strong motivations for Moscow and Washington to keep talking about the shared nuclear threat, even during the current Ukraine crisis. Russian President and American President have much work yet to do on reducing the risk of nuclear war, beginning with finding a way to take hundreds of missiles off of launch-ready alert —this chill vestige of the Cold War.
Question : A permanent membership in SCO is the need of the hour for India. In this context discuss Indio-SCO relations? (200 words)
Answer : The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) is a six country multilateral body focused on security and economic cooperation in the Eurasian space. The precursor of the SCO was the ‘Shanghai Five’ constituted in 1996 by China to address border security issues with four of its neighbours. In its present form, the SCO was founded at the Summit in Shanghai in 2001 by the Presidents of Russia, People’s Republic of China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyz Republic, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. At the 2005 Astana Summit, India, Iran and Pakistan were admitted as Observers. Mongolia was also inducted subsequently as an Observer, while Sri Lanka and Belarus became ‘Dialogue Partners’. Turkmenistan has been participating in SCO summits as a special invitee. At the 2012 Beijing Summit, Afghanistan became an Observer, while Turkey was added as a Dialogue Partner.
Indio-SCO relations: India participated in the 2005 SCO Summit at the level of External Affairs Minister (EAM) and has since participated in subsequent Summits at the Ministerial or lower levels; except for the Yekaterinburg (Russia) Summit in 2009, which was attended by Prime Minister. Since 2005, India has also been actively participating in all SCO forum open to Observers. This has included meetings of SCO Ministers for Trade, Transport, Culture, Interior/Home and Emergency Situations; SCO Business Forums; SCO ‘Energy Club’, etc. In particular, India has been cooperating in the field of counter-terrorism with SCO’s Regional Counter/Anti-Terrorism Structure (RCTS/RATS), based in Tashkent.
The Tashkent SCO Summit in June 2010 lifted the moratorium on new membership and paved the way for expansion of this regional grouping. The SCO has since been actively debating in various structured formats, the issue of expansion of the organization. It is understood that once SCO takes a consensus view on admitting new members, the modalities/formalities to be followed shall be finalized in the subsequent stage. As reiterated at previous SCO Summits/meetings, India stands ready to become a full member of SCO once the SCO Members finalise the expansion modalities.
Question : Reform inside UNO is the need of the hour. In this context, discuss the various models related to UN reform? (200 words)
Answer : A strong, effective UN is among the best tools we have to tackle the world’s most pressing challenges. The UN works to prevent conflict and keep peace, to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons and to isolate terrorists, criminals and despots. The UN goes where nobody else will to provide desperately needed humanitarian and development assistance to the world’s neediest people; and promotes universal values including human rights, democracy, and equality.
Need for reform in the present scenario:
Excellence: An Effective UN for billions of people depends, many for their lives, on crucial UN services. They deserve a UN that delivers real results and that performs – from senior officials in New York to front-line implementers in African villages – to the highest standard of excellence.
End Peacekeeper Misconduct: UN Peacekeepers are sent into harm’s way to halt violence and protect civilians, and the vast majority performs admirably. But any incident of dereliction of duty or abuse of local populations is one too many. The UN must do more to implement its zero tolerance policy for sexual exploitation and abuse by UN peacekeepers and protection of the rights of women. Some reforms (including conduct and discipline teams for every unit) are underway, but the UN should deploy a truly system-wide database on misconduct to track abuses –with more consistent and transparent follow-up at the highest levels with member states -- to ensure that those who commit abuses are held accountable and never again serve under the UN flag.
Accountability: A Cleaner UN, taxpayers around the world deserve to know exactly how the money they send to the UN is spent and to have confidence that every dollar, euro or yen is handled honestly and well. The UN has made important advances in recent years, but much more remains to be done to strengthen oversight mechanisms, ethics enforcement, whistleblower protection, and transparency.
Increase transparency throughout the UN system: Open and accessible information for the public is the best way to ensure accountability. Though sustained intensive diplomacy in support of these efforts already has led to important reforms, it remains too difficult for the public, press and member states to access budget, financial and audit information, especially among the diverse UN funds and programs. Audits and reports by UN funds and programs should be online and available to the public.
Deploy 21st Century Information Technology: The ongoing overhaul of the UN’s information management system could improve performance while saving more than $100 million annually. The United States and our partners will continue to push the UN to ensure that the overhaul is implemented swiftly and within approved budgets, that staffing issues that have troubled the project are corrected, and that it reaps quantifiable savings for the UN and its member states.
Trim Outdated “Mandates”: One roadblock to sharpening UN performance is the mountain of “mandates” – charges to perform certain activities – which the organization operates under. The total number of mandates approaches 10,000, many of which are obsolete and redundant.
Question : United Nation aided organizations like WHO have a partial way of looking at problems being faced by nations. Discuss it with the recent Ebola virus pandemic threat that has engulfed the whole world? (200 words)
Answer : In the recent past, Ebola virus pandemic has led to many fatalities in African nations like Sierra Leone, Guinea etc. It has also reached America and other European nations by way of health workers and nurses. In this context, the role of World Health Organization (WHO) becomes of extreme importance as it is global body for dealing with health related issues. However, the Ebola virus pandemic threat has exposed several lacunae in the working of WHO.
WHO failed to provide any proactive nation specific guideline related to the disease, as the outbreak of the virus could be of different types based upon the different health facilities and environmental conditions. Countries like Nigeria, Chad were not provided adequate and up to the mark medical aid required for dealing with the threat. It didn’t provide effective medicine. And medicines which are available have not been tested on human being.
It is clearly showing lack of will power for required for putting a check on the further spread of the virus. As a result, the virus is gradually spreading to other part of the world. Very soon it may become a global pandemic if not checked. The pro west approach of WHO was clearly evident from the fact that all the links with these nations were disconnected at a time when special attention was the need of the hour.
These arguments clearly indicate that WHO will have to adopt proactive and comprehensive approach for treating these kinds of health related issues, and that is too without getting biased.
Question : “India’s Nuclear Liability Law is flawed” Critically comment. (200 words)
Answer : The Indian Nuclear Liability Act in fact incorporates various elements of the international nuclear liability agreements. This applies to the definitions and the liability principle of no-fault liability. Also the provision on liability for damage that results from a nuclear accident during transport of nuclear materials, literally copies those of the international agreement. The same applies in principle to the liability exonerations. The basic structure of the law and that of the agreements are similar. But there the similarities end.
Three important areas, where essential incompatibilities exist, need to be emphasized here:
Question : What is diplomatic immunity? Critically examine the recent Indo-US standoffs in light of international jurisprudence on diplomatic immunity. (200 words)
Answer : Diplomatic immunity is a form of legal immunity that ensures that diplomats are given safe passage and are considered not susceptible to lawsuit or prosecution under the host country’s laws, although they can still be expelled. It was agreed as international law in the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations (1961), though the concept and custom have a much longer history. Many principles of diplomatic immunity are now considered to be customary law. Diplomatic immunity as an institution developed to allow for the maintenance of government relations, including during periods of difficulties and even armed conflict. When receiving diplomats—who formally represent the sovereign—the receiving head of state grants certain privileges and immunities to ensure they may effectively carry out their duties, on the understanding that these are provided on a reciprocal basis.
Originally, these privileges and immunities were granted on a bilateral, ad hoc basis, which led to misunderstandings and conflict, pressure on weaker states, and an inability for other states to judge which party was at fault. An international agreement known as the Vienna Conventions codified the rules and agreements, providing standards and privileges to all states.
It is possible for the official’s home country to waive immunity; this tends to happen only when the individual has committed a serious crime, unconnected with their diplomatic role (as opposed to, say, allegations of spying), or has witnessed such a crime. However, many countries refuse to waive immunity as a matter of course; individuals have no authority to waive their own immunity (except perhaps in cases of defection). Alternatively, the home country may prosecute the individual. If immunity is waived by a government so that a diplomat (or their family members) can be prosecuted, it must be because there is a case to answer and it is in the public interest to prosecute them. For instance, in 2002, a Colombian diplomat in London was prosecuted for manslaughter, once diplomatic immunity was waived by the Colombian government.
Question : Bangladesh holds the key to security and economic development of northeast India. Do you agree with the statement? Discuss the major stands off between India and Bangladesh. (200 words)
Answer : Bangladesh is highly important for North east India at partition discontinued the economic and geographical integration of the region. Chittagong port use to be hub of trade between south and south East Asia. Access via Bangladesh to north east will improve mobility. Facility at Chittagong port will help to tab market of South East Asia, facilitate illegal activities as trafficking of women, drugs and arms can be controlled also curb terrorist activities and Communal violence.
Major Issues
Implementation of Land Boundary Agreement: The delay in implementation of the land boundary agreement has increased the differences. India and Bangladesh share a 4,098-km long border. The land boundary agreement was signed to resolve all the boundary issues, including delimitation of 6.9 kms of disputed boundary, land in adverse possession and exchange of enclaves.
Trade and Investment: The trade deficit with India is frequently highlighted by Bangladesh as a major contentious issue. Trade deficit for Bangladesh is more than $4 billion. Bangladesh has been urging India to reduce this gap by lifting the tariff barriers as they were a major impediment to the growth of Bangladesh's exports to India.
Bangladesh is now urging India to remove all non-tariff barriers (NBTs) as it views NTBs as the major obstacles to its export growth. Some of these barriers are: laboratory test for every consignment of food products, cosmetics, and leather and textile products; delay in getting test results; imposition of state tax; packaging requirement.
Besides, removal of non-tariff barriers should be accompanied by tariff reforms since the opportunity cost of non-tariff barriers is very high. A Consumer Unity & Trust Society (CUTS) International report says: “In 2010, value of unexplored market was more than 48 per cent of total value of India- Bangladesh trade and potential saving, which is a proxy for cost of non-tariff barriers, is more than seven per cent of total value of Indo-Bangla trade”
Transit: India has been urging Bangladesh to provide rail and road transit to connect with its northeastern states. Bangladesh's initial reluctance to granting India rail and road transit was on the grounds that transit facility once given was difficult to take back and such a facility may encourage terrorism and insurgency. Other concerns included damage to the roads and bridges in Bangladesh by the increased traffic flow from the Indian side.
Fund for infrastructure is another issue although India provided a credit line of $1 billion to Bangladesh for development of infrastructure projects. But the credit line could not be used to its potential because of the strict conditions India imposed, to the effect that 85 per cent of the raw materials for the road projects has to be procured from India.
Illegal Migration
Issue of oil & gas Pipeline
India and Bangladesh are keen on resolving differences. They must therefore speed up all efforts to move forward on key issues. The following suggestions can be considered as a rough guide map of rapprochement.
Question : The ASEAN-India Strategic Partnership is like an anchor of stability from the western confines of the Indian Ocean to the shores of the Pacific, from the Straits of Hormuz to the Straits of Malacca. Discuss India-ASEAN maritime cooperation in the light of new security scenario of the Indian Ocean and the Asia-pacific. (200 words)
Answer : India’s maritime doctrine, published in April 2004, conceives of the arc from the Persian Gulf to the Strait of Malacca as a legitimate area of political, military and economic interest. Over 90% of foreign trade in volume and 77% in value is seaborne, accounting for 18% of GDP pass through Indian Ocean. Around 90% of India's oil requirements which are set to rise sharply in the next several years– are sourced from the sea, including offshore fields.
Meanwhile, under the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), Delhi is currently formulating a case for its claim to an additional continental shelf area. If approved, India’s 200 nautical mile maritime zones of 2.2 million square km would increase by nearly 50%, implying a multiplication of economic interests to be nurtured and protected.
Growing incidents of piracy and terrorism made maritime cooperation inevitable. Similarly Asia-pacific is a new theatre because of growing trade with East-Asia and South East Asia (Japan, Korea) Diversification of oil resource, oil from South China Sea and Sakhalin.
Close political and security ties with Asia pacific nations will provide strategic depth in South East Asia as well as in south Asia.
India-ASEAN Maritime Cooperation: ASEAN countries are near unanimous in welcoming an Indian strategic role in the region, barring certain diplomatic qualms entertained by individual countries. Security cooperation between India and the ASEAN states is governed by military diplomacy, the naval forces being the prime instrument of building synergies. The regular deployment of the Indian Navy into the South China Sea since 2000 has been welcome feature for the South-East Asian states, though causing some concern to China. Both India and the ASEAN states have shown equal interest in sharing defence experience. In fact, India has far greater military resources to share with the ASEAN states than vice-versa.
Maritime cooperation between India and ASEAN has been limited but has potential to grow. Indian naval ships frequently visit the Southeast Asian countries ports and SCS, cooperation with regard to capacity-building and patrolling piracy-infested areas or jointly facing nontraditional threats at sea like drug-trafficking, human-trafficking and possible maritime terrorism remain inadequate.
In February 2010, the Indian Navy concluded its Milan series of maritime exercises in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands and almost all ASEAN countries participated in Milan exercise. India, which has helped Malaysia in building up its Coast Guard in the past, must consider assisting other ASEAN countries. India has a strong Navy with technological credibility that can be leveraged by ASEAN.
Collaboration on missile technology, radar systems, defence component systems and supporting hardware are again areas where ASEAN countries can work in partnership with India. India has also shown keenness to sell Brahmos missiles to friendly countries including the neighboring Southeast Asian countries. Most of the ASEAN countries have been engaged in a defence modernization programme and would like to obtain assistance in weapons upgradation and systems integration.
Question : Where do you locate India in the new global world economy? Evaluate from the context of India and WTO. (200 words)
Answer : India has over the years become a more open economy. The total share of imports and exports accounts for close to 50 per cent of GDP while that of capital inflows and outflows measures up to 54 per cent of GDP. India has emerged as the fourth largest economy globally with a high growth rate and has also improved its global ranking in terms of per capita income.
India's participation in an increasingly rule based system in the governance of international trade is to ensure more stability and predictability, which ultimately would lead to more trade and prosperity for itself and the 149 other nations which now comprise the WTO. India also automatically avails of MFN and national treatment for its exports to all WTO members.
According to the WTO Secretariat Report, India is expected to snatch most of the business deals that are presently catering the developed nations which includes major service based industries like telecom, financial services, infrastructure services such as transport and power. If the trend continues then by 2025, India is expected to cater to the software and services demands of major giants of the business world.
India has aligned itself with WTO in the goal to reduce the trade barriers and tariffs to zero by 2025. This will help in liberalization process of India and also help other developing countries become economically strong by 2025.
There is a trend towards unilateral action by certain developed countries in total disregard of provisions laid down in the Uruguay Round Agreements. India has always been trying to take such issues to dispute settlement mechanism.
Another important issue has been an increasing trend in recent past in favor of regionalism. India recognizes the positive effect of regional groupings that are consistent with the principles of the multilateral trading system and also the special needs of developing countries as enunciated in the Enabling Clause.
By 2025, India would be at the fore-front of bringing about changes in the Protection of Biodiversity and Traditional Knowledge, by taking various measures. By 2025, it is expected that WTO, with India playing a major role, will be able to work on Prevention of bio-piracy and misappropriation of Traditional Knowledge.
In 2025, India is expected to be self-sufficient in the food grain production. India has good agricultural land, which is still not getting used.
The WTO's Agreement on Agriculture had incorporated three broad areas of commitments from member states, namely in market access, domestic support and export subsidies. These measures have only protected the farmers and the farming systems of the developed countries. On the other hand, the trading regime has ensured that developing countries take time bound initiatives to open up their domestic markets for cheap and highly subsidized imports of agricultural commodities. Due to these subsidies, domestic products suffer a lot. By 2025, India in association with WTO will be looking forward, to put an end on these exports subsidies, which favor most of the developed countries only.
India has proposed that the Trade Facilitation Agreement being negotiated at the World Trade Organisation should make it mandatory for Customs authorities to give exporters the option of taking back rejected consignments before destroying them.
While developed countries want developing countries to take on binding obligations to upgrade infrastructure at their Custom stations, India has been insisting on commitments to enhance cooperation between Custom authorities and transparency related to detention and testing procedures.
In its proposal to the WTO, India has said that a multilateral mechanism for exchange of information on customs matters should be established in identified cases of import and export where there is a reason to doubt truth and accuracy of the declaration file by a trader.
In case of detention of imported goods for inspection, India wants the importer to be informed promptly. Traders should be provided an opportunity for a confirmatory test in case the result of a sample shows an adverse finding.
There should also be common border procedures and uniform forms and documents throughout the territory of a WTO member, India has proposed.
Question : Write an essay on Indian Diaspora in Gulf. Examine its role in facilitation of India-Gulf relationship. (200 words)
Answer : Indians comprise the largest expatriate community in the Gulf countries, which counts more than 3 million in the region, distributed accordingly between the United Arab Emirates (UAE, around 1.5m.), Oman (0.6m.), Kuwait (0.6m.), Bahrain (0.3m.), Qatar (0.2m.), with another 1.4 million in Saudi Arabia.
There were about 14,000 Indians in the entire region till 1948. Thereafter, their number increased to over 40,000 by 1970-71. Since then, the number of Indian workers increased quite rapidly mainly due to phenomenal hike in oil price and its export. This provided an ample opportunity for the Gulf countries to import labour from other countries in order to initiate development projects and modernisation in their respective countries. The total number of Indian labour was around 2, 66,000 in 1975. In 1979, the number had risen up to 5, 01,000. This trend was continued up to 1981, when the total number of Indians reached 5, 95,000 in 1981. According to reports received from the Indian Missions in the Gulf countries, the number of Indian labour rose to more than 4.5 million in 2008 .There are currently about 5 million Indian workers in the entire region.
There are over 5 million NRIs who are presently living in the Gulf countries. They constitute one fifth of the total Diasporic Indians living abroad. NRIs in Saudi Arabia were about a million and half who were the largest Indian passport holding community abroad. The number of PIOs was nil in Saudi Arabia. NRIs constituted 7 per cent of the total population of the country in 2000.
The Indian Diaspora in UAE was significant as the number of NRIs was about 1 million and PIOs was about 50,000. The NRIs at that time constituted over 50 per cent of the country's expatriate workforce followed by Pakistan with 22 per cent. The Indian Diaspora in the UAE constituted about one third (32 per cent) of the total population in the country.
The UAE had the largest number of Indians in terms of percentage as compared to any other Gulf countries. UAE again has emerged as number one in terms of Indian labour than that of Saudi Arabia in 2008. But Saudi Arabia has more female Indian workers than that of the UAE About one-third (33.3%), and over 42.5% of the workforce, in the UAE is Indians.
Nearly 2.2 million population of Kuwait, there were about 65 percent foreign nationals in 2000. The Indian Diaspora constituted the single largest expatriate community in the country. They constituted for almost 13 percent of the total population.
Out of Oman's total population of 2.3 million, the Indian community in this country constituted about 15 per cent of its population. Indians were the single largest expatriate group in Oman. These were about 58 per cent foreign population. The Indian Diaspora consists of 25per cent unskilled, 30 per cent semi-skilled, and 35 per cent skilled manpower in Oman. The remaining 10 per cent constituted highly skilled professional such as doctors, engineers, bankers, financial experts and managers.
The size of the Indian community in Qatar was almost one fourth of the total member of residents in the country. A major chunk of the Indian expatriates is engaged in unskilled or semiskilled work. Unlike in the 1970s and 1980s when nearly 90% of Indians in the Gulf were blue-collar workers, today over 35% of the Indian expatriate workforce are white-collar professionals specializing in fast-moving fields such as the services and information industry.
Since the early 1990s, the outflow of Indians has been mainly in the service sector. There is now emerging trend that highly skilled Indian manpower such as doctor, engineer, IT professional, teacher, etc. are in great demand in the Gulf countries. The composition of Indian manpower has increased to about 40 per cent in this region.
India’s economic high-tech rise is reflected in the increasingly high level economic appearance of Indians in the Gulf, where professionals and technically qualified Indians are engaged in huge numbers in the knowledge based economic sectors such as Dubai Internet City, Dubai Media City and the Jebel Ali Free Zone (JAFZ).
Indian expatriates in the Gulf have a higher propensity to remit the money they earn. Gulf expatriates account for almost 30% of total remittances flowing back to India. The number of Indian workers was the largest in the United Arab Emirates at that time. The Gulf NRIs are generally less educated, relatively young and unmarried. They normally come from rural and comparatively poor economic background. The majority of the Gulf NRIs were young at the time of their first migration. It is also noted that age group below 35 years dominated in all the case studies.
Thus, migration has been predominantly a flow of excess manual labour which had been seen in Kerala as well as in the rest of India over the past decades. As far as the migration policy of India is concerned, the only statutory provision governing migration for employment is the Emigration Act of 1983. This Act deals only with certain categories of migrants who require the Emigration Clearances and by default the overwhelming majority of skilled and professional labour migration falls outside the purview of any regulatory framework.
The following measures which were underlined by the High Level Committee on Indian Diaspora should be taken in this direction to resolve their problems. First of all, effective measures should be formulated by the Ministry of Overseas Indian Affairs to prevent exploitation by recruiting agents. There are several unscrupulous agents who exploit the aspiring innocent migrants.
It is suggested that there must be an appropriate agency to rightly advise Indian workers about their rights and obligation in the countries where they are working. It is also demanded that Indian Government should set-up a standard labour export agreement in consultation with the Gulf countries regarding minimum wage, fare housing, health care, a weekly day off, and a limit on daily working hours, over time, allowances rates, return air tickets and compensation in case of death or injury.
Frequent visit to labour camps by the Indian consular officers in the Gulf countries must be in routine work in order to understand the difficulties faced by NRIs. Indian women also migrate to work in the Gulf as cooks, housemaids, governesses for children, etc. since the local labour laws do not apply in their case, hence they, sometimes become victims of physical violence, molestation and even sexual abuse. In this regard, Indian Government should devise some measures to protect them from this kind of humiliation.
There should be some counselling agency to provide proper guidance in migrating villages in order to invest the Gulf remittance in productive activities. Finally, there must be a new comprehensive emigration policy that should address the genuine grievances of all migrant workers.
Question : The growing India-Israel defense relations is the product of common security issues and defense market imperatives but not based on shared global-regional common security perceptions, in the light of statement analyze India-Israel defense relations? (200 words)
Answer : Since 1992 relations between India and Israel have flourished in many of areas, including political contacts, economic interactions, and cultural exchanges and, above all, military co-operation. There was a series of high-level political visits between the two countries, including the visit of Israel’s foreign minister in May 1993, President Ezer Weizman in December 1996, and foreign minister Silvan Shalom in February 2004. The high point of the bilateral ties was the visit of Prime Minister Ariel Sharon in September 2003.
The most important area of Indo-Israeli co-operation revolves around the military arena. In just over a decade after normalization, Israel emerged as a significant player in India’s security calculations.
Israel is seen as the second largest defense supplier after Russia. India’s search for advanced technology and Israel’s demand for larger markets to economize its defense research are complementary. Both countries are seeking technological independence and qualitative superiority over their adversaries.
Principal defense co-operation covers areas such as Arms upgrading Small arms, Border management, Naval patrol, Intelligence co-operation and counterterrorism.
Some of the major defense deals involving both countries since 1992 include The Barak anti-missile system; The upgrade of ageing MIG fighter planes; fast patrol attack craft; radars Surveillance equipment; night-vision hardware; and border fencing.
In July 2007 the Indian Government approved a $2,500m programme to jointly develop defense systems against air missiles. In March 2007 India launched an Israeli spy satellite into orbit.
Furthermore, heads of various branches of the military, as well as the security establishments, have been visiting one another periodically. There is a structured, regular and ongoing consultation between the national security establishments of both countries.
There is an institutional consultation mechanism between the two foreign ministries, and both countries have Joint Working Groups dealing with terrorism and defense production. Indian naval vessels have been making periodic port calls to Israel.
Question : What is Arms trade treaty, why India refused to sign treaty? (200 words)
Answer : The Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) is a multilateral treaty that regulates the international trade in conventional weapons, which has not entered into force. International weapons commerce has been estimated to reach US$70 billion a year. The treaty was negotiated at a global conference under the auspices of the United Nations from 2–27 July 2012 in New York. As it was not possible to reach an agreement on a final text at that time, a new meeting for the conference was scheduled for 18–28 March 2013. On 2 April 2013, the UN General Assembly adopted the ATT. The treaty has been signed by 85 states, but it will not enter into force until it has been ratified or acceded to by 50 states.
While India supported national implementation of the treaty, it did not extend support for detailed treatment of the administrative and constitutional mechanisms. It wanted the documentation, information and verification provisions under national control. It also opined that end user control is a subjective matter. India appeared skeptical on criminalization. It also opposed the formation of a separate monitoring or implementing body.
India wanted greater clarity in objectives and goals. It wanted precision in defining illicit transfers which may help terrorism and other unlawful activities. India also wanted inclusion of the phrase—Non-State Actors—in the ATT. It wanted an agreed upon definition of all the listed weapons included within the scope of the treaty. Though it wanted small arms and light weapons, yet it opposed the inclusion of ‘ammunition, parts and components and technology in the scope of the proposed ATT’.
Question : With the melting of ice at Arctic, it has opens the gate of Politics, being observer state of Arctic council what should be approach towards the preservation of Arctic resources? (200 words)
Answer : India became an observer at the Arctic Council, which coordinates policy on the Arctic. Oceanographer and Arctic experts has made a practical and reasonable suggestion. This is for the U.N. to set up its own Arctic body.
It may be on the lines of the Indian Ocean Commission, which may provide the international community the capacity to monitor what is happening in the region, draw up strict norms for activities, taking into account the “global commons” character of the Arctic, and put in place a credible and effective compliance mechanism.
India could certainly push for such a global regime without violating its role of observer at the Arctic Council. It may also be worthwhile for India and other developing states to put the Arctic on the agenda of the ongoing multilateral negotiations on climate change under the U.N. Framework Convention on climate change. A separate resolution or decision of the conference of parties to the convention could draw attention to the Arctic as a global commons, its impact on global climate and the need to ensure that the activities undertaken there do not harm the well-being of the vast majority of people around the world.
Question : Africa is key partner in grand development strategy of India with opportunities and challenges elucidate the statement while mentioning India’s capacity building programmes in Africa. (200 words)
Answer : India is committed to Africa's socio-economic, technological and human resource development and partners the African governments in a consultative, participative and responsive manner based on Africa's own assessment of their needs. India had extended 150 Lines of Credit worth $5.2 billion to African countries. Among the projects India is involved in Africa are a rural electrification plant at Burkina Faso, cassava plantation in Cameroon and a cement plant in Djibouti.
India has also been providing assistance to African countries under its Indian Technical and Economic Cooperation (ITEC) programme, which is a manifestation of South-South cooperation.
Question : South Asia is eminently placed in the Chinese strategic calculation, Discuss? (200 words)
Answer : China is not a South Asian power, but it has been seeking to build up for itself a strong South Asian presence which could cater to its strategic needs in the long term. It has made inroads in the South Asian countries in recent years. The Chinese policy in the South Asian region has a mix of strategic and opportunistic dimensions _ that is, working for carefully calculated long term strategic objectives while not missing short and medium-term opportunities that come its way. The main driver of China’s strategic interest in Gwadar, Hambantota and Chittagong has been the perceived need for refueling, re-stocking and rest and recreation facilities for its oil/gas tankers and naval ships deputed for anti-piracy patrols in the Gulf of Aden area.
China’s relations with Pakistan are driven by a strong strategic calculus. That calculus arises from its perceived need for a second front to keep India preoccupied. It has been strengthening Pakistan’s offensive and defensive air and naval capabilities. It delivered aircraft needed by the Pakistan Air Force (PAF) to strengthen its air defense capability. It has also been helping Pakistan in repairing and upgrading the Karakoram Highway
A feasibility study for the construction of a railway line from Xinjiang through Gilgit-Baltistan has been undertaken. The upgradation of the Gwadar commercial port, built earlier with Chinese assistance, into a naval base and the construction of petro-chemicals complex in Gwadar and oil and gas pipeline from Gwadar to Xinjiang.
Next to Pakistan, Nepal enjoys the second priority in China’s strategic calculation. The importance of Nepal to China’s strategic thinkers and planners arises not only because of its potential for being used against India in times of peace as well as war, but also because of its potential to India for being used to create instability in Tibet if there are disturbances there after the death of His Holiness the Dalai Lama.
The Nepalese Army started sending officers and soldiers to study in Chinese military universities. In the academic year 2006/2007, 21 officers and soldiers of the Nepalese Army went to China for training. Nepal as a passage connects South Asia by the road network in Tibet with that in Nepal and by extending the railway line to Lhasa to Kathmandu.
Bangladesh is the third priority for China. Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, despite her strong friendship with India, has continued with the Look East policy of her predecessor Begum Khaleda Zia and strengthened the links with China.
Chinese company is involved in oil/gas exploration in Bangladesh. Chinese are upgrading Chittagong port into a modern deep sea port. The Chinese plans for linking Yunnan with Bangladesh through Myanmar by a modern road. There has also been talk of a Chinese-aided railway line from Yunnan to Bangladesh via Myanmar.
Sri Lanka occupies the fourth place in Chinese strategic planning in South Asia. More than 50% of the funding received by Sri Lanka from abroad for construction and development projects, since President Mahinda Rajapaksa came to power, has come from China. China has been assisting Sri Lanka in the construction of the Hambantota port, The Maththala international airport at Hambantota, A new container terminal in Colombo and the Colombo-Katunayake Expressway. It has also agreed to help in the modernisation of the railways. Maldives has emerged as a favourite destination for Chinese tourists. China has been helping the Maldives in the fields of house construction and modernising some aspects of its banking infrastructure such as the installation and operation of automatic teller machines for the benefit of foreign tourists. We have to closely monitor the evolution of its interest in the Maldives.
Question : Discuss the impacts of growing Nepal-China relationship on India. (100 words)
Answer : China and Nepal have agreed to widen their recently deepening defense and security ties and take forward training cooperation between their militaries. China will provide Nepal with technology and assistance to build a border land port that will boost trade and serve as a transit point on a proposed railway line. While China’s relations with Nepal grow, resentment against India is on the rise. Nepali sentiments that India has expansionist tendencies are gaining ground. In particular, the Chinese economic clout over Nepal is giving space for open antagonistic view against India.
Nepal is also increasingly become concerned over the trade deficit it has with India, which has surged to 33.7 per cent. The unsettled India- Nepal border remains as a thorn in India-Nepal relations. Yet, Nepal wants to maintain a tricky balance between the unequal rising powers in its neighbourhood. It is of urgent need that India relooks its policy options and cooperative ties with Nepal. Although, there is no immediate threat to India’s relations with Nepal, but a cautious approach and reassessment of this relationship is the need of the hour.
Question : Enumerate the major hurdles in West Asia Peace process. (100 words)
Answer : The Palestinians and the U.S. want the pre-1967 line to be the basis for negotiations, with agreed land swaps to compensate for deviations. Israel has so far refused to commit to this.
Other, even more difficult, issues—such as the future of Jerusalem, which both sides want as a capital, and whether any of the 4.9 million Palestinian refugees can return to their former homes, now in Israel—would have to be addressed.
There are numerous issues to resolve before a lasting peace can be reached, including the following: Borders and division of the land; Strong emotions relating to the conflict on both sides; Palestinian concerns over Israeli settlements in the West Bank; Israeli security concerns over terrorism, safe borders, incitements, violence; Right of return of Palestinian refugees living in the Palestinian diaspora.
Question : Discuss the implications of Indian Oil Companies' Energy quest in Iran on India’s Energy Security. (100 words)
Answer : India is the world’s fourth largest oil importer and a major customer for Iran’s 1.7 million barrels per day of oil exports. It needs to import fuel given the limited nature of domestic energy sources. India’s dependence on imports is as high as 80% for crude and 25% for natural gas.
India’s energy demand is expected to more than double by 2035, from less than 700 million tonnes of oil equivalent (Mtoe) now to around 1,500 Mtoe. Iran has offered of a production sharing contract (PSC) to develop the Farzad- B gas field in its offshore Farsi block to Indian companies. The block is estimated to have 13 tcf from one formation. Then there are other formations, which can have more gas. All this gas can come directly to India. So much so that it can justify a separate offshore pipeline to India, which is feasible.
There are range of issues including crude oil purchases, marine insurance, re-insurance cover for Indian refineries, and arrangement of ships for transportation.
Question : Discuss the impacts of Nitaqat law of Saudi Arabia on India. (100 words)
Answer : The Nitaqat (naturalisation) law, reserving 10 per cent private jobs for the locals, could affect many semi-skilled workers belonging to India. Over two million Indians are currently working in Saudi Arabia. The Saudi government was implementing the Nitaqat law to cut unemployment in the country. The semi-skilled and unskilled workers will find it difficult to start afresh once they get back home. And the decline in the riyal inflow will impact the Indian economy.
